Herbertines

Adalbert I

Father: Heribert II

Mother: a daughter of Robert I, king of France

Married: Gerberge of Lorraine
Gerberge was the daughter of Gerberga of Saxony (daughter of Heinrich I "der Vogelsteller") and Gislebert, duke of Lothangaria (see liudolf1.html)

Children:
Occupation: Count of Vermandois and abbot of the monastery of Saint Quentin

Notes:
This charter, created by Adalbert and dated 954, documents him as count and abbot, and is witnessed by his wife, Gerbergæ. In the charter that follows, Adalbert is specifically referenced as abbot of Saint Quentin "ALBERTVS Abbas Monaſterij S. Quintini Martyr".
Augusta Viromanduorum regestum veterum charta pp30-31 (Claude Hémeré, 1643)
IN nom. P. & F. & Sp. S. ADALBERTVS Comes & Abbas. Notum fit cunƈtis S. Matris Eccleſiæ filiis tam præſentibus quam futuris, quod ad noſtram acceſſerunt præſentiam quidam ex fidelibus noſtris Gerbertus ſcilicet & Anſerus miles eius & Bernerus Abbas cellæ Humolarienſ. poſtulantes vt quandam commutationem quam inter ſe fecerant noſtra authoritate firmaremus, de terra ſcilicet S. Quintini, quæ iacetin villa quæ dicitur Fraxiniasus & de terra S. Mariæ & S. Hunnegundis quæ iacet in villa quæ dicitur Fontanas: quibus inter ſe benè conuenientibus, quod petebant facere decernentes, hanc chartam fieri iuſſimus & manu propria firmauimus: Et ſi quis, quod nequaquam futurum credimus, contra hanc cautionem inſurgere, & hanc violare tentauerit, in primis iram Dei omnipotentis incurrat, & C. auri libras exſoluat, & eius contentioſa repetitio inanis fiat. ſ. Adalberti Comitis ſ. Gerbergæ vxoris eius. ſ. Gijonis Cuſtodis. ſ. Rotberti Decani ſ. Balduini præpoſiti. ſ, Eurardi Presbyteri. Criſpini, Anſelmi, Albrici Diaconorum. Gerberei Goteranni, Gerardi, Hitdradi, Anſeri vaſallorum. Aƈtum in Monasterio S. Quintini, au. incarnat. Dom. 954. indiƈtio 12. Albricus Cancellarius recognouit & ſubſcripſit.
This roughly translates as:
IN the name of P. & F. & Sp. S. ADALBERT Count & Abbot. It is known to all the sons of Holy Mother Church, both present and future, that certain of our faithful, namely Gerbertus & Anserus his soldier & Bernerus Abbot of the cell of Humolarienses, have come to our presence. asking that we confirm a certain exchange which they had made between themselves by our authority, of the land of St. Quintin, which lies in the town called Fraxiniasus and of the land of St. Mary and St. Hunnegund which lies in the town called Fontanas: which being well agreed upon between them, deciding what they asked to do, we ordered this charter to be made and confirmed with our own hand: And if anyone, which we believe will never happen, should attempt to rise up against this caution and violate it, let him first incur the wrath of God Almighty, and let him forfeit 100 pounds of gold, and let his contentious request be rendered void. Signed Count Adalbert Signed Gerbergæ his wife. Signed Custodian of Gijón. Signed Dean Robert Signed Presiding over Baldwin. Signed Priest Eurard. Deacons Crispin, Anselm, and Albric. Gerberei Goteranni, Gerardi, Hitdradi, Anseri vassals. Autumn in the Monastery of S. Quintini, in the year of the incarnation of our Lord 954. indiction 12. Albricus Chancellor recognized & subscribed.

This charter, created by Adalbert's son, Heribert III, describing himself as abbot of the monastery of Saint Quentin and count, is also witnessed by Adalbert. The charter was likely created in 987 or 988, a transitional period in which Adalbert, who died shortly thereafter, had relinquished control of the county to Heribert.
Augusta Viromanduorum regestum veterum charta pp33-34 (Claude Hémeré, 1643)
Heriberti 3. Comitis Viroman. gratam habentis eleemoſynam Arpardi & Frideburgis collatam in Humolarienſ. viuente adhuc Alberto.  Ex archiuis eorumdem.
IN nom. S. & indiuid. Trinitatis P. & F. & & Sp. S. Ego HERIBERTVS gratia Dei, teſtis Chriſti Quintini Monaſterii Abbas, & Comes dictus … ſ. Adalberti Comitis manu ipſius faƈtum. ſ. Heriberti filii eius. ſ. Ermengardis vxoris eius. ſ. Odonis nepotis …
This roughly translates as:
Heribert 3. Count of Vermandois. having grateful alms of Arpard and Frideburg in Humolarie. Albert still living.  From the archives of the same.
In the name of the holy and indivisible Trinity, of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. I, Heribert, by the grace of God, witness of Christ, abbot and count of the monastery of Quentin, said. … Sign of Count Adalbert made by his own hand. Sign of Heribert his son. Sign of Ermengarde his wife. Sign of Odo his nephew.

Louis-Paul Colliette describes Adalbert's family and character, and his establishment of the Abbey of Saint Prix in the family castle where his father had imprisoned Charles the Simple for so many years.
Mémoires pour l’histoire du Vermandois vol 1 pp477-478 (Louis-Paul Colliette, 1771)
ALBERT, premier du nom, apporta dans le gouvernement du Vermandois, dont il ſe ſaiſit après la mort d’Hébert II, des mœurs plus douces, & des vertus plus pacifiques, que n’y avoit montré ſon pere. Tel qu’un voyageur qui jouit tout-à-coup d’un ciel pur & ſerain, après la diſparution de la tempête, & qui voit avec joie la nature, attriſtée par les pluies & l’orage, reprendre ſes fleurs, s’en parer encore, & ſe rembellir au retour d’un ſoleil clair & ſans nuages; ainſi le leƈteur va être ravi des vertus civiles & ſociables d’Albert Ier; & enchanté des grandes œuvres de ſa piété & de l’équitable adminiſtration de ſa régence, va oublier les traits hideux qui l’avoient affligé dans la vie de ſon impétueux prédéceſſeur. Avec une grande ame, mais modérée; un cœur bon, mais droit; & un eſprit vaſte & éclairé, mais ami de la regle & du devoir, Albert ſoutint magniquement l’excellence de ſon origine & de ſa dignité; jamais il n’en laiſſa courber la grandeur & l’autorité ſous les loix injuſtes de la rébellion, de l’injustice & de l’avidité. Inviolablement attaché à la piété dont il faiſoit ſon principal exercice, il n’oublia pas dans sa ſouveraineté ſa dépendance de nos Rois. Il les reſpeƈta, les honora, les craignit. Hélas! on n’eſt fidele ſujet que quand on eſt bon chrétien. Il ne parut maître de ſes vaſſaux, que pour faire régner plus rigidement les loix parmi eux. Il ne fut plus élevé & plus diſtingué que les autres Seigneurs ſes voiſins, & peut-être plus puiſſant qu’eux que pour en défendre ceux qui étoient opprimés, contre les violences des méchans. Dans une plus grande élévation, il donna des exemples plus frappans de toutes fortes de vertus, & ne ſe erut l’héritier d’immenses biens, que pour en diſtrribuer davantage aux pauvres, & en plus de lieux. Quatre monaſteres, ſitués dans ſon comté que ce Seigneur a fondés, rétablis ou dotés preſqu’en entier de ſon propre patrimoine, témoigneront à jamais ſa ſainte prodigalité.
  Quelques auteurs ont écrit qu’Albert avoit été marié avec une fille anonyme de Gilbert, ce célébre Duc de Lorraine, dont nous avons parlé pluſieurs fois au livre précédent, & dont nous avons auſſi rapporté la généalogie. Le fait eſt très-croyable, parce que la famille de ce Seigneur Lorrain étoit fort liée à celle d’Hébert II, comte de Vermandois, & que les grands intérêts que leurs maiſons ſoutenoient de concert, donnent lieu d’y ſoupçonner des alliances réciproques entr’elles. D’ailleurs Albert, qui prit femme en la famille de Louis d’Outre Mer, n’a pu le faire qu’après ſa réconciliation avec ce Roi, & après la mort d’Hébert II ſon pere; enfin tout au plutôt en 943. Or ce mariage eût été conclu bien tard pour Albert, ſi Gerberge de France eût été ſa premiere femme. Il y a plus d’apparence qu’on n’avoit pas attendu ſi long-temps à marier un héritier prochain d’une ſi célébre maiſon. Il étoit donc entré dans celle de Lorraine d’abord; mais il avoit perdu ſon épouſe, quand il prit la fille de Louis IV. Il ne paroît pas qu’il ait eu d’enfans de la fille du Lorrain, ou bien ils moururent de bonne heure; car ceux que nous connoiſſons être iſſus d’Albert, le ſont en même temps de Gerberge de France, ſa ſeconde femme. Cette Dame étoit par conſéquent ſœur de Lothaire qui devint Roi de France. Albert en eut quatre garçons: Hébert, troisieme du nom, qui le remplaça; Othon de Vermandois; Lindulfe, qui fut fait Evêque de Noyon; & Gui, qui fut le Tréſorier de cette église.
This roughly translates as:
ALBERT, the first of that name, brought to the governance of Vermandois, which he seized following the death of Herbert II, a gentler disposition and more pacific virtues than his father had ever displayed there. Like a traveler who suddenly enjoys a pure and serene sky after the storm has passed and who watches with joy as nature, previously saddened by rain and tempest, once again puts forth her blossoms, adorns herself anew, and grows beautiful once more beneath the return of a clear, cloudless sun, so too, will the reader be delighted by the civil and social virtues of Albert I. Enchanted by the great works of his piety and the equitable administration of his regency, the reader will forget the hideous traits that had so distressed him in the life of Albert’s impetuous predecessor. Possessing a great yet temperate soul, a good yet upright heart, and a vast and enlightened mind, one ever devoted to order and duty, Albert magnificently upheld the excellence of his lineage and his high office; never did he suffer their grandeur and authority to bow beneath the unjust laws of rebellion, injustice, or avarice. Inviolably attached to piety, which he made the principal practice of his life, he never, amidst the exercise of his own sovereignty, forgot his fealty to our Kings. He respected them, honored them, and held them in awe. Alas! One can be a truly faithful subject only when one is a good Christian. He asserted his mastery over his vassals solely to ensure that the laws reigned among them with greater rigor. He was raised above and distinguished from his neighboring lords, and perhaps rendered more powerful than they, solely so that he might defend the oppressed among them against the violence of the wicked. Elevated to a higher station, he provided even more striking examples of every virtue; indeed, he regarded himself as the heir to his immense fortune only so that he might distribute even more of it to the poor, and across a wider territory. Four monasteries situated within his county, which this lord founded, restored, or endowed almost entirely from his own patrimony, will stand forever as a testament to his holy generosity.
  Some authors have written that Albert was married to an unnamed daughter of Gilbert, that celebrated Duke of Lorraine whom we have mentioned several times in the preceding book, and whose genealogy we have also recounted. This claim is highly plausible, for the family of this Lorrainese lord was closely allied with that of Herbert II, Count of Vermandois; moreover, the significant interests that their respective houses pursued in concert give ample grounds to suspect that reciprocal alliances existed between them. Furthermore, Albert, who eventually took a wife from the family of Louis d’Outremer, could not have done so until after his reconciliation with that King, and after the death of his father, Herbert II; in short, this could not have occurred any earlier than the year 943. Now, had Gerberga of France been his first wife, this marriage would have taken place remarkably late in Albert’s life. It is far more probable that no one would have waited so long to arrange the marriage of the immediate heir to so illustrious a house. He had, therefore, first entered into an alliance with the House of Lorraine; he had, however, already lost that spouse by the time he took the daughter of Louis IV as his wife. It does not appear that he had any children by the daughter of the Lorrainer, or else they died young; for those whom we know to be descended from Albert are, at the same time, descended from Gerberge of France, his second wife. This lady was, consequently, the sister of Lothair, who became King of France. Albert had four sons by her: Herbert, the third of that name, who succeeded him; Otho of Vermandois; Lindulf, who was appointed Bishop of Noyon; and Guy, who served as the Treasurer of that church.
pp481-484
  Les Comtes de Vermandois avoient demeuré juſqu’alors un peu au-deſſus des rives de la Somme, hors de la ville capitale de leur gouvernement, près d’un lieu que nous appellons Rôcourt. Le lieu qu’ils habitoient s’appelloit en Latin Broïlus, d’un nom dont la racine eſt inconnue, & ſemble aux Savans ſignifier un endroit ombrageux & planté d’arbres ou de bois. C’eſt celui préciſément où nous voyons maintenant bâties la chapelle & la ferme de ſaint Prix. La ſituation de leur palais, poſé ſur une petite éminence en recevoit plus d’agrémen;t & les eaux avec les bois, dont elle étoit bordée, en compoſoient un ſéjour délicieux. Le corps-de-logis étoit grand & vaſte. Les cours, les jardins & les enclos étoient entourés de murailles, & défendus, ſelon l’usage de ces temps, par de petites tours dans leſquelles on poſoit des troupes, pour interdire toute entrée dans les lieux de la demeure du Comte. C’étoit dans l’enceinte du palais de ces Seigneurs qu’eux & les Barons, leurs conſeillers, décidoient les affaires qu’on leur déféroit. On appelloit placita les cauſes qui étoient de petite importance: celles qui étoient plus conſidérables, s’appelloient mallei. C’eſt ainſi que les auteurs traduiſent ces deux mots contenus dans la charte d’Albert Ier, de l’an 986, quand ils ſont en oppoſition l’un à l’autre. Là étoient les priſons dans leſquelles on jettoit les criminels.
  Ce fut dans une de celles qui y étoient conſtruites qu’Hébert II avoit fait enfermer Charles le Simple. La mémoire d’un traitement ſi barbare étoit odieuſe à Albert, & lui avoit rendu inſupportable le lieu qui avoit été autrefois le témoin des cris, des pleurs & des tourmens de ſon Roi. Il voulut quitter cette demeure qui rappelloit ſans ceſſe à son eſprit de ſi triſtes images; mais il réſolut, en l’abandonnant, de la conſacrer à jamais par un pieux établissement qui lui en fit oublier, & aux ſiécles futurs, s’il étoit poſſible, toute la laideur & l’impureté. Il appella des moines de ſaint Bénoit, & les fixa dans ſon palais dont il leur fit préſent. Il leur donna encore pluſieurs autres biens dont le détail eſt renfermé dans la charte qu’il fit expédier, en leur faveur, long-temps après qu’il les eur établis dans ſa maiſon comtale. Ces religieux étoient d’une extrême abſtinence: ils ne vivoient que d’herbes & de poiſſons, de laitages & des choſes les plus viles. … Voilà par quels ſaints ſolitaires le pieux Comte fit remplacer le palais que ſon pere avoit fouillé par des excès ſi énormes.
  Le nouveau monaſtere prit le nom d’abbaye de ſaint Prix.
… Le comte Albert ayant fondé ſa nouvelle abbaye, le Chapitre de ſaint Quentin s’empreſſa d’enrichir l’égliſe des moines des reliques de ſaint Prix; il leur donna l’omopłate du corps de ce Saint, & ne s’en conſerva que le crâne qu’il a fait renfermer depuis peu dans un magnifique reliquaire. C’eſt de ce précieux don que le monaſtere nouveau a pris le nom diſtinctif qu’il porte encore, & qu’il s’eſt appellé l’abbaye de ſaint Prix.   
This roughly translates as:
  Until that time, the Counts of Vermandois had resided slightly above the banks of the Somme, outside the capital city of their domain, near a place we now call Rôcourt. The site they inhabited was known in Latin as Broïlus, a name of unknown etymology which scholars believe signifies a shady spot, planted with trees or woodland. It is precisely upon this site that we now see built the chapel and farm of Saint-Prix. The location of their palace, situated atop a small eminence, lent it greater charm; indeed, the surrounding waters and woodlands combined to create a truly delightful residence. The main residential building was large and spacious. The courtyards, gardens, and grounds were enclosed by walls and, in accordance with the customs of the era, defended by small towers, wherein troops were stationed to prevent any unauthorized entry into the Count’s private quarters. It was within the precincts of this noble palace that the Counts, together with the Barons who served as their counselors, adjudicated the various matters brought before them. Cases of minor importance were termed placita; those of greater significance were called mallei. Such is the interpretation scholars apply to these two terms, which appear in a charter issued by Albert I in the year 986, when the words are cited in contradistinction to one another. It was there, too, that the prisons were located—dungeons into which criminals were cast.
  It was within one of these very cells, constructed upon the premises, that Herbert II had caused Charles the Simple to be imprisoned. The memory of such barbaric treatment was odious to Albert, and had rendered unbearable to him the very place that had once borne witness to the cries, tears, and torments of his King. He wished to depart from this dwelling, which ceaselessly called forth such sorrowful images in his mind; yet, upon abandoning it, he resolved to consecrate it forever through a pious foundation, one that might cause him, and future ages if possible, to forget all its ugliness and impurity. He summoned monks of Saint Benedict and settled them within his palace, which he bestowed upon them as a gift. He further endowed them with various other properties, the details of which are set forth in the charter he had drawn up in their favor, long after he had first established them within his comital residence. These religious men practiced extreme abstinence; they subsisted solely on herbs, fish, dairy products, and the humblest of fare. … Thus did the pious Count replace the palace which his father had defiled through such heinous excesses with the presence of these holy solitaries.
The new monastery assumed the name of the Abbey of Saint Prix.
… Once Count Albert had founded his new abbey, the Chapter of Saint Quentin hastened to enrich the monks' church with relics of Saint Prix; they presented them with the scapula of the Saint’s body, retaining for themselves only his skull which they have but recently enshrined within a magnificent reliquary. It is from this precious gift that the new monastery derived the distinctive name it bears to this day, coming to be known as the Abbey of Saint Prix.

The Encyclopaedia Britannica is dismissive of Adalbert I's relevance.
The Encyclopaedia Britannica 11th edition vol 27 p1024 (ed. Hugh Chisholm, 1911)
  VERMANDOIS. … Albert I., Herbert III., Albert II., Otto and Herbert IV., were unimportant.

Death: 8 or 9 September 987

Mémoires pour l’histoire du Vermandois vol 1 pp546-547 (Louis-Paul Colliette, 1771)
  Albert le Pieux mourut en 987; car une charte de cette année, ſous-ſignée de lui, eſt la derniere qui faſſe mention de ſon ſeing: une autre du mois de Février de l’année ſuivante, n’eſt ſouſcrite ſeulement que de ſon fils Hébert III. Ce fut le neuvieme de Septembre qu’il mourut, felon le nécrologe de l’abbaye du Mont-Saint-Quentin-ſous-Péronne; ce fut le huitieme du même mois, dit celui de l’égliſe de ſaint Quentin, qui ajoute qu’au jour de l’anniverſaire de ce Comte, ſa tombe doit être couverte d’un drap mortuaire, & ornée de quatre chandeliers & de quatre cierges qui brûleront pendant les vigiles & la meſſe des Trépaſſés qu’on chantera pour lui. Sa ſépulture eſt dans l’égliſe de ſaint Quentin; on ne fait maintenant en quel endroit . . . . VIIIâ die Septembris, obiit Albertus, comes. Et eâdem die Oſtiarii debent parare tumbam ejus de uno pallio, & ponere quatuor candelabra in circuitu tumba, cum quatuor cereis; & debent ardere in vigiliis & miſſa defunƈtorum. Lorſque l’uſage des paſts ſuccéda à la vie commune dans cette même égliſe, il est marqué dans le même nécrologe, qu’au jour de la mort du Comte Albert, il y avoit feſtin. . . . Epulum ſolemne eſt, & tres ſolidi pauperibus erogati in eleemoſinam, pro animá Alberti, comitis.
  Cette ſépulture, ces prieres & ces paſts, étoient les juſtes effets de la reconnoiſſance que les chanoines de ſaint Quentin devoient à la mémoire d un généreux Seigneur qui leur avoit fait tant de bien pendant ſa vie; d’un religieux Abbé qui avoit fait l’ornement de leur compagnie, par la douceur de ſes mœurs, ſa tendre piété, & ſon amour pour la bonne diſcipline; d’un puiſſant Comte qui, dans le ſiécle de fer où il vivoit, toujours ſoumis à ſes Rois, reſpeƈté de ſes voiſins, pere de ſes vaſſaux, & la terreur des méchans, ne paroît nulle part s’être éçarté du plus exaƈt devoir; d’un bon frere, bon fils & bon pere; d’un Souverain enfin, dont les charités immenſes, répandues ſur tant d’égliſes & de monaſteres au dedans & au dehors de ſa domination, avoient établie la preuve ſenſible de la grandeur de ſon ame, de ſon détachement du monde, de ſes deſirs pour la vraie gloire & le ſolide bonheur qui l’attendoit dans le Ciel. 
This roughly translates as:
  Albert the Pious died in 987; for a charter of that year, bearing his signature, is the last to make mention of his seal. Another charter, dated February of the following year, bears the signature solely of his son, Hébert III. He died on the ninth of September, according to the necrology of the abbey of Mont-Saint-Quentin-sous-Péronne; however, the necrology of the church of Saint-Quentin states that he died on the eighth of the same month, adding that on the anniversary of this Count’s death, his tomb is to be draped with a funeral pall and adorned with four candlesticks and four wax tapers, which are to burn during the vigils and the Mass for the Dead celebrated in his memory. His remains lie interred within the church of Saint-Quentin, though their exact location is no longer known. . . . On the 8th day of September, Albert, count, died. And on the same day the Ushers must prepare his tomb from one pall, and place four candelabra around the tomb, with four candles; and they must burn at the vigils and mass for the dead. When the practice of holding commemorative feasts succeeded the communal way of life within this same church, it is recorded in the same necrology that, on the day of Count Albert’s death, a banquet was held. . . . There is a solemn feast, and three solidi are given to the poor in alms, for the soul of count Albert.
  This burial, these prayers, and these feasts were the just expressions of the gratitude that the canons of Saint-Quentin owed to the memory of a generous Lord who had bestowed so many benefits upon them during his lifetime; of a devout Abbot who had been the ornament of their community through the gentleness of his manners, his tender piety, and his love for sound discipline; of a powerful Count who, in the Iron Age in which he lived, ever submissive to his Kings, respected by his neighbors, a father to his vassals, and the terror of the wicked, appears nowhere to have deviated from the strictest duty; of a good brother, a good son, and a good father; and, finally, of a Sovereign whose immense charities, lavished upon so many churches and monasteries both within and beyond the bounds of his dominion, had established tangible proof of the greatness of his soul, of his detachment from the world, and of his yearning for the true glory and enduring happiness that awaited him in Heaven.

Burial: in the church of Saint-Quentin, county of Vermandois, France

Sources:

Adele of Meaux

Adele of Meaux
Adele of Meaux
This illustration was based on the effigy on her tomb.
The note to the illustration reads "Adèle de Vermandois, femme de Geoffroy Grisegonelle, Comte d'Anjou, mort en 987.
Sous Lothaire.
de sont tombeau, à coté de grand autel de l'église de St. aubin d'angers dont elle est la fondatrite" which roughly translates as "Adèle of Vermandois, wife of Geoffrey Grisegonelle, Count of Anjou, died in 987.
Under Lothair.
Her tomb is located next to the high altar of the church of St. Aubin in Angers, of which she was the founder."
illustration from BnF Gallica
Father: Robert of Meaux

Mother: Adelaide

Married: Geoffroy "Grisegonelle"

Children:
Notes:
Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Saint-Aubin d'Angers vol 1 pp7-10 (Bertrand de Broussillon, 1903)
III. (A. 3.) — 974, 6 mars, Angers. — CHARTE PAR LAQUELLE LA COMTESSE ADÈLE FAIT DON A SAINT-AUBIN DE SES DOMAINES HÉRÉDITAIRES ET DE TOUS SES ACQUÊTS. (Original avec croix autographes aux Archives de Maine-et-Loire, H. 100, 73.)
Carta donationis quam fecit Adela, Andegavensis comitissa, Sancto Albino de curte que nominatur Undanis villa, in pago Belvacensi, et de Insula Montis, prope civitatem Andecavam, cum capella Sancti Hilarii et de ecclesia de Regina et de ecclesia Alodos et de quinque arpennis vinee in prospectu civitatis Andecave1.
  Cum pervigiles nos obitus nostri adventum expectare jubeat Dominus tunc potissimum vigilare debemus quando nobis vicinius imminere mortem cognoscimus. Idcirco in Evangelio hortatur et incertam horam sui adventus demonstrat cum dicit: « Videte, vigilate, quoniam nescitis qua hora Dominus veniet ». Precavendum est igitur; et, ut Sapientia dicit: « Quodcumque possumus in Dei servitio et pro ejus amore agendum; quia post mortem nemo in infernum confitebitur Domino, nec locus bona operandi restabit; sed quod quisque ad presens executus fuerit, illic certam recipiet vicissitudinem sive boni sive mali ».
  Quapropter ego Adela, nequaquam meorum actuum confidentiam habens, sed in solius Dei misericordia totam spem et confidentiam ponens et sanctorum ejus suffragia deposcens, in extremis circumvallantibus angustiis constituta, ad ipsius Redemptoris Nostri pietatem et ejus dilectissimi antistitis Albini pre ceteris confugiens, res hereditarias mei juris quas vel a parentibus seu a seniore meo Gauzfredo comite adquirere potui, ipsi sancti confessori Albino contrado, sperans et pro certo credens, ut legitur: « Non habentes velamen amplexentur lapides, ipsius juvamine a peccatorum nexibus eripi et æterne vite remunerationem me posse promereri ».
  Dono igitur illi curtem a parentibus traditam, sitam in pago Belvacinse, que vocatur Hundanis villa, cum terris cultis et incultis, villulis, mancipiis utriusque sexus, pratis, silvis, aquis aquarumque discursibus, molendinis, et cum duabus ecclesiis, unam in honore sanctae Dei genitricis Mariae constructam, alteram in honore sancti Aniani.
  Quicquid ergo in jamdictam curtem habere visa sum quesitum et inquisitum totum pro anime meae remedio Sancto Albino trado atque condono.
  Concedo etiam illi insulam, sitam in pago Andegavo, quam in dotalitium mihi senior contulit, venerandus scilicet comes Gauzfredus, que Mons vocatur, cum omnibus que ad eam pertinent, cum terris videlicet cultis et incultis, silvis, pratis, pischariis, mancipiis utriusque sexus, et cum capella in honore sancti Hylarii fabricata.
  Condono namque jam sepius dicto confessori item aliam ecclesiam in pago Andegavo cum villula in qua fore conspicitur et cum mercato et vicaria, cum terris cultis et incultis, molendinis, aquis aquarumque discursibus, quae vocatur Peregrina, et cum omnibus que ad eam pertinent.
  Simul ergo concedo prefixe Sancto Albino monachisque ibi Deo sedule obsecundantibus arpennos quinque et dimidium de vineis in prospectu Andegave civitatis, et cellarium in suburbio ejusdem, quatinus ejus adjuta precibus caelestis regni beatitudine frui merear cum sanctis omnibus.
  Si quis vero fuerit ex parentibus meis val amicis, quod fieri non credo, si filius, vel filia hanc donationem contradicere temptaverit, in primis iram Dei omnipotentis et sancti Albini incurrat; deinde, judiciaria cogente potestate, auri libras centum multat, componat et quod repetit non evindicet; sed hec donatio inconvulsa omni tempore permaneat.
    Signum Gauzfredi comitis.
    Signum Fulconis, filii ejus.
    Signum Gauzfredi, filii ejus.
  Ego Gauzfredus, assertor et roborator hujus donationis, notum esse volo omnibus quia in nostra confirmatione et fidelium nostrorum calumpnia ex supradicta ecclesia Peregrina et ea que ad ipsam pertinent orta est a quodam Raynardo, qui ad suum beneficium pertinere testatus est. Unde statuimus ut abbas jamdicti cœnobii Sancti Albini, Albertus nomine, ex suo libras quatuor argenti daret et, tam de ecclesia quam de mansulo quodam, Croiaco nomine, et omnibus que ad ipsam pertinent ut supra jam dictum est, supradictus Raynardus, cum consensu senioris sui, Odonis comitis, prefatam donationem firmam adsentiret.
  Et ut haec donatio perhennem obtineat vigorem, statuimus censum annuatim solidos duos illi persolvere vel successoribus ejus, nec a prefato loco amplius requiratur.
  Signum Raynardi calumpniatoris.
  Signum Raynaldi, episcopi Andegavensis.
  Signum Raynaldi vicecomitis, patris ejus.
  Signum Sulpitii.
  Signum Heriberti comitis.
  Signum Gauzfredi vicecomitis.
  Signum Harduini, episcopi Turonensis.
  ♱ Signum Odonis comitis, qui hanc donationem fieri jussit.
  Data mense martio, anno vicesimo tertio regnante Lothario rege, in placito publico Andegavis civitatis,
  Rotbertus scripsit et subscripsit.
  Anno ab incarnatione Domini D CCCC LXXIIII, indictione I, II nonas supradicti mensis.
  (1) On trouve des fragments de cette charte à la page 39 des Preuves de l’Histoire de la Maison de Vergy, de Du Chesne, et dans dom Morice (Preuves de l’Histoire de Bretagne, I, 349).
This roughly translates as:
III. (A. 3.) — 974, 6 March, Angers. — CHARTER BY WHICH COUNTESS ADELE DONATED HER INHERITED DOMAINS AND ALL HER ACQUISITIONS TO SAINT-AUBIN. (Original with autograph crosses in the Archives of Maine-et-Loire, H. 100, 73.)
A charter of donation made by Adela, countess of Anjou, to Saint Albinus of the court called Undanis villa, in the village of Belvaux, and of the Island of Monts, near the city of Anjou, with the chapel of Saint Hilary and the church of Regina and the church of Alodos and five acres of vineyard in the prospect of the city of Anjou1.
  When the Lord commands us to be vigilant in awaiting the coming of our death, we must be especially vigilant when we realize that death is approaching us. For this reason, in the Gospel, he exhorts us and shows the uncertain hour of his coming when he says: “Watch, watch, for you do not know at what hour the Lord will come.” We must therefore be careful; and, as Wisdom says: “Whatever we can do in the service of God and for his love, we must do; because after death no one will confess to the Lord in hell, nor will there be a place left for doing good; but whatever each one has done up to the present time, he will receive there a certain reward, whether good or evil.”
  Therefore, I, Adela, by no means having confidence in my own actions, but placing all my hope and confidence in the mercy of God alone and asking for the prayers of his saints, placed in extreme surrounding distress, taking refuge above all else in the piety of our Redeemer himself and his most beloved bishop Albinus, I bequeath to the holy confessor Albinus the hereditary things of my right which I was able to acquire either from my parents or from my elder count Gauzfred, hoping and believing for certain, as it is written: "Without a veil let the stones embrace, that with his help I may be rescued from the bonds of sins and merit the reward of eternal life." Therefore, I give him a farmstead handed down by his parents, situated in the village of Belvain, which is called the Hundanis villa, with cultivated and uncultivated lands, hamlets, serfs of both sexes, meadows, forests, waters and watercourses, mills, and with two churches, one built in honor of the holy Mother of God Mary, the other in honor of Saint Anian.
  Therefore, whatever I have been seen to have in the aforementioned farmstead, acquired and searched, I give and forgive entirely to Saint Albinus for the healing of my soul.
  I also grant him an island, situated in the village of Anjou, which my elder brother, namely the venerable count Gauzfred, who is called the Mountain, gave to me as a dowry, with all that pertains to it, namely cultivated and uncultivated lands, forests, meadows, fisheries, serfs of both sexes, and with a chapel built in honor of Saint Hilary.
  For I also grant to the confessor already mentioned another church in the village of Anjou, with a small village in which it is seen to be located, and with a market and a vicarage, with cultivated and uncultivated lands, mills, waters and watercourses, which is called Peregrina, and with all that pertains to it.
  At the same time, therefore, I grant to Saint Albinus and the monks there who diligently obey God, five and a half acres of vineyards in the prospect of the city of Anjou, and a cellar in the suburb of the same, of which, with the help of his prayers, I may deserve to enjoy the bliss of the heavenly kingdom with all the saints.
  If, however, any of my parents or friends, which I do not believe will happen, if a son or daughter attempts to contradict this donation, let him first incur the wrath of Almighty God and Saint Albinus; then, by the coercive power of the judiciary, let him fine himself one hundred pounds of gold, make amends, and not enforce what he repeats; but let this donation remain unshaken at all times.
    Sign of Count Gauzfred.
    Sign of Fulk, his son.
    Sign of Gausfred, his son.
  I Gausfred, assertor and reinforcer of this donation, want it to be known to all that in our confirmation and that of our faithful, the calumny of the aforementioned church of Peregrine and that which pertains to it arose from a certain Raynard, who testified that it pertained to his benefice. Wherefore we decree that the abbot of the aforementioned monastery of Saint Albinus, Albert by name, should give four pounds of silver from his own money and, both for the church and for a certain manse, Croiac by name, and for all that pertains to it as has been said above, the aforementioned Raynard, with the consent of his senior, Count Odo, should assent to the aforementioned donation.
  And that this donation may have lasting force, we decree that an annual tax of two solidi be paid to him or his successors, and that no further demand be made from the aforementioned place.
  Sign of Raynard the calumniator.
  Sign of Raynald, bishop of Anjou.
  Sign of viscount Raynald, his father.
  Sign of Sulpitius.
  Sign of Count Heribert.
  Sign of viscount Gauzfred.
  Sign of Harduin, bishop of Tours.
  ♱ Sign of Count Odo, who ordered this donation to be made.
  Dated in the month of March, in the twenty-third year of the reign of King Lothair, in a public plea of ​​the city of Anjou,
  Robert wrote and subscribed.
  In the year of the incarnation of the Lord 974, indiction 1, 2 day before Nones of the aforementioned month [6 March].
  (1) Fragments of this charter can be found on page 39 of Du Chesne’s Preuves de l’Histoire de la Maison de Vergy, and in Dom Morice (Preuves de l’Histoire de Bretagne, I, 349).

Recueil d'annales angevines et vendômoises pp1-2 (Louis Halphen, 1903)
    ANNALES SANCTI ALBINI ANDEGAVENSIS
  DCCCCLXXIV.—Rainaldus episcopus ordinatur et Adela comitissa in ejus presencia, presente etiam Harduino Turonensi archiepiscopo et marito suo Gauffrido, Undanis Villam, Alodos, Insulam Montis et Peregrinam Sancto Albino dedit1.
  1. Voir la charte dans le Cartul. de Saint-Aubin, éd. Bertrand de Broussillon, no 3: charte de la comtesse Adèle, du 6 mars 974, souscrite, entre autres, par son mari, le comte d’Anjou Geoffroy Grisegonelle, et par l’archevéque de Tours, Hardouin.
This roughly translates as:
    ANNALS OF SAINT ALBINI OF ANJOU
  974.—Rainald was ordained bishop and countess Adela in his presence, in the presence also of Hardouin, archbishop of Tours, and her husband Geoffrey, gave the Villa of Undanis, Alodes, the Island of Monts and Peregrine to Saint Albini.
  1. See the charter in the Cartul. de Saint-Aubin, ed. Bertrand de Broussillon, no. 3: charter of countess Adèle, dated 6 March 974, subscribed, among others, by her husband, the count of Anjou Geoffroy Grisegonelle, and by the archbishop of Tours, Hardouin.

Tomb of Adele of Meaux
The tomb of Adele of Meaux in the abbey of Saint Aubin, in Angers, France
The illustration is noted "TOMBEAU contre le mur a gauche dans le Sanctuaire de l'Eglise de l'Abbaye de St Aubin d'Angers." which roughly translates to "TOMB against the wall on the left in the Sanctuary of the Church of the Abbey of St Aubin d'Angers."
illustration from Bodleian Library MS. Gough Drawings Gaignières 14
Buried: in the abbey of Saint Aubin, in Angers, France

Sources:

Adelaide de Vermandois

Father: Heribert IV
 
Mother: Adele of Valois
see Mémoires pour l’histoire du Vermandois vol 1 p625 (Louis-Paul Colliette, 1771)

Married (1st): Hugh de Vermandois

Children: Married (2nd): Renaud II, Count of Clermont-en-Beauvaisis

Renaud was the son of Hugh II de Creil and Marguerite de Ramerupt. He was a crusader in the army of Adelaide'w first husband, Hugh. After Adelaide's death. Renaud married Clemence de Bar, widow of the count of Dammartin.

Children: Occupation: Countess of Vermandois, in her own right
Adelaide succeeded to Vermandois as a result of the disinheritance of her brother Odo, and on her father's death, her husband, Hugh, became count of Vermandois in right of Adelaide.

Notes:
Adelaide was the last ruler of the Carolingian line of Vermandois and a pivotal figure in the transition of power to the Capetian dynasty. As a sovereign countess, she navigated the turbulent politics of the First Crusade and managed the transition of her county from the ancient line of Charlemagne to the sons of the king of France.
Adelaide was the daughter of Herbert IV, count of Vermandois. When her father died in 1080, the county should have passed to her brother, Odo the Insane. However, Odo was disinherited by the council of barons due to his mental instability. To secure her position, Adelaide married Hugh the Great, the younger son of king Henry I of France and Anne of Kiev. This marriage effectively merged the last Carolingian stronghold with the rising Capetian royal house.
  Adelaide’s life was deeply affected by the First Crusade. Her husband, Hugh, was one of the primary leaders of the expedition. During Hugh’s long absences in the East (1096–1098 and 1101), Adelaide ruled Vermandois and Valois as a sovereign countess. She managed the local economy, resolved legal disputes (as seen in the charters below), and maintained the defense of her territories. After Hugh died in Tarsus in 1101, Adelaide continued to rule alongside her eldest son, Raoul. In 1103, Adelaide married Renaud II, count of Clermont. This second marriage created friction with her son Raoul, who was reaching his majority and wished to rule the paternal inheritance of Vermandois alone. Despite these internal family dynamics, Adelaide remained an active political actor, often appearing in charters to validate the donations and legal decisions of her sons.

In the first of these two charters created by Adelaide, dated 1114, she names her sons, Raoul, Henry, and Simon. If William is correctly also her son, he presumably died before 1114.
Cartulaire de l'Abbaye de Saint-Corneille de Compiègne vol 1 pp70-2 (ed. E. Morel, 1904)
      XXXIV
  Adela comitissa Viromandensis, de quibusdam hominibus nostris manumissis.
EGO, Adela, Dei gratia Viromandorum comitissa, filius quoque meus Radulphus, universis sancte Dei ecclesie filiis, salutem et pacem bonam. Ad removendam oblivionis nubem, ad reprimendam veri cum falso, falsi cum vero confusionem, appertioribus veterum gestorum testimoniis uti non possumus, quam his que apicibus litterarum insigniuntur. Proptereaque, ne, supervenientibus novis, oblivioni tradatur, factam inter nos et sancte Compendiensis ecclesie canonicos cujusdam calumnie disceptationem describi voluimus. Ego siquidem Adela predicta, comitissa, et filius meus Radulphus, comes, Olrici uxorem filiosque ejus et filias calumniabamur et ad famulatum nostrum servili conditione eos usurpare nitebamur; ad quod canonici supranominate Compendiensis ecclesie, ex adverso insurgentes, murumque justitie pro familia ecclesie opponentes, nunc precibus, nunc nos ad causam vocando, resistebant, et quos longo temporis intervallo ecclesia singulari dominatu quiete possidebat ita usurpari non licere verbis astruebant; sicque diu lite protracta, tandemque familiari investigatione luce veritatis reperta, ego mater confessa sum me oberrasse, et voluntate et assensu filiorum meorum, Radulphi, Henrici, Symonis simulque consilio meorum magnatum, Roberti de Tornella, Ade qui Rabies dicitur, Vuenrici castellani, multorumque aliorum prescriptam calumniam plane et ex toto dimisi; et quia injuste ecclesiam inquietaveram, dato in manu prepositi ecclesie Odonis scilicet emendationis vadimonio, culpam emendavi. Insuper Olricum patrem, Falcardum ejus fratrem, omnino manu missos, plane ecclesie in perpetuum habendos dedimus et concessimus. Et ut hoc donum et doni concessio rata et inconvulsa sine contradictione vel aliqua retractatione permanerent, omnium predictorum assertores et tutores nos futuros esse contra omnem usurpatorem, fide data, promisimus et impressione autentica nostri sigilli corroborari curavimus. Hujus rei testes sunt: Hildierus, Odo prelibate ecclesie Compend. prepositi miles, Ibertus de Divione, Odo Brito, Godefridus, Ingelrannus Rabies, Robertus de Turnella, Adan Rabies, Elinandus, Vuernerus multique alii cujuscumque conditionis, Radulphus Dalphinus Iberti frater. Actum Montisderii consulari thalamo, anno Dominice Incarnationis millesimo centesimo quartodecimo, indictione septima, anno consecrationis regis Ludovici sexto.
…
      XXXV
  De altaribus Metivillaris, Faverolis, Prunastri, concessis.
IN nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis, Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti. Amen. Ego Adela, Viromandensis comitissa, filiique mei, videlicet Radulphus comes, atque Henricus, universis sancte Dei ecclesie cultoribus, tam futuris quam et presentibus, certum fieri volumus, quia Helinandus, miles, dignitatis nostre presentiam adiit, humiliter obsecrans, quatinus tria altaria que sunt apud Mesvillare et Faverolas et Pronastrum, que pro sua suique filii Sagalonis anima et sue uxoris sancte Dei Compendiensi ecclesie concesserat, et nos pariter, a quorum descendebant beneficio, eidem ecclesie concederemus. Illius igitur petitioni, quia nobis multum bene placuit, benigne condescendentes, predicta altaria jam ab illo Helinando ditioni nostre resignata, ea lege ut ei adquiesceremus, pro anima mariti mei, Hugonis comitis, et mea, pro animabus etiam filiorum meorum, scilicet Radulphi comitis et Henrici, sepenominate Compendiensi ecclesie, quemadmodum a nobis petierat, ipso etiam Helinando, quantum in ipso erat, concedente, quicquid nostrum erat et ad nos pertinebat, integre et liberrime in perpetuo habendum, ego et filii, scilicet Radulfus, comes, atque Henricus, dedimus et firmiter concessimus; et ut in posterum absque contradictione seu qualibet retractatione habeat, teneat et possideat, fide nostra interposita, quatinus hujus largitionis semper erimus auctores et contra omnium usurpatorum violentiam defensores, memoriales litteras fieri precepimus, et eas nostrarum signis personarum suffultas, auctoritate et sigilli nostri impressione corroboravimus. Hujus autem veritatis testimonium perhibentes affuerunt:
  Signum Radulphi, S. comitisse, S. Henrici, signum Ermentrudis, uxoris Helinandi. Clerici: Odo decanus, Johannes cantor, Ivo, alius Ivo, Odardus, Hildierus, Milo, Gunduinus, Drogo, Eugubrandus, Symon filius comitisse, Radulfus. Actum, anno Incarnationis Dominice Mo Co XIIIIo, indictione septima, anno vero consecrationis regis Ludovici sexto. Milites: Ibertus, Robertus, Lisiardus, Gaufridus, Symon, Adam, Drogo, Fulco, Odo, Godefridus, Ingelrannus, Werno, Baidelo, Rogerus, Richardus, Wenricus de Roia, Radulfus, Paganus, Wido.
This roughly translates as:
      XXXIV
  Adela countess of Vermandois, concerning certain of our men having been manumitted.
I, Adela, by the grace of God countess of the Vermandois, and also my son Raoul, to all the sons of the holy church of God, good health and peace. To remove the cloud of forgetfulness, and to repress the confusion of truth with falsehood and falsehood with truth, we cannot use clearer testimonies of old deeds than those which are distinguished by the strokes of letters. And therefore, lest it be handed over to oblivion by new events supervening, we wished to have written down the dispute of a certain claim made between us and the canons of the holy church of Compiègne. Indeed I, the aforesaid Adela, countess, and my son Raoul, count, were claiming the wife of Olric and his sons and daughters, and we were striving to usurp them into our servitude under a servile condition; against which the aforementioned canons of the church of Compiègne, rising up in opposition, and setting up a wall of justice for the family of the church, were resisting, now by prayers, now by calling us to a legal case, and they were affirming with words that it was not permitted to thus usurp those whom the church had quietly possessed by singular lordship for a long interval of time. And thus the dispute having been protracted for a long time, and at last the light of truth having been found through familiar investigation, I, the mother, confessed that I had erred, and with the will and assent of my sons, Raoul, Henry, and Simon, and at the same time with the counsel of my magnates, Robert of Tournelle, Adam who is called Rabies [the Mad], Wenric the castellan, and many others, I plainly and entirely dismissed the aforewritten claim; and because I had unjustly disturbed the church, having given a pledge of emendation into the hand of the provost of the church, namely Odo, I made amends for the fault. Moreover, we have given and conceded Olric the father, and Falcard his brother, entirely manumitted, to be had by the church plainly in perpetuity. And so that this gift and the concession of the gift might remain valid and unshaken without contradiction or any retraction, we have promised, faith having been given, that we would be the future assertors and protectors of all the aforesaid against every usurper, and we took care to have it corroborated by the authentic impression of our seal. The witnesses of this matter are: Hildier; Odo the knight of the provost of the aforementioned church of Compiègne; Ibert of Dijon; Odo the Breton; Godfrey; Enguerrand Rabies; Robert of Tournelle; Adam Rabies; Elinand; Werner; and many others of whatever condition; [and] Raoul the Dauphin, brother of Ibert. Enacted in the consular chamber [hall of the count] of Montdidier, in the year of the Lord's Incarnation one thousand one hundred and fourteen, the seventh indiction, in the sixth year of the consecration of king Louis.
…
      XXXV
  Concerning the conceded altars of Mévillers, Faverolles, [and] Prunoy.
In the name of the holy and undivided Trinity, Father and Son and Holy Spirit. Amen. I, Adela, countess of the Vermandois, and my sons, namely Raoul, count, and also Henry, wish it to be made certain to all cultivators of the holy church of God, both future and present, that Helinand, a knight, approached the presence of our dignity, humbly beseeching that we likewise might concede to the holy church of God at Compiègne the three altars which are at Mévillers and Faverolles and Prunoy, which he had conceded for the soul of himself and of his son Sagalo and of his wife; [altars] which were held as a benefit from us. Therefore, kindly condescending to his petition because it was very pleasing to us, we—the aforesaid altars having already been resigned into our power by that Helinand on the condition that we would acquiesce to him—for the soul of my husband, Hugh the count, and my own, [and] also for the souls of my sons, namely Raoul the count and Henry, have given and firmly conceded to the often-named church of Compiègne, just as he had asked of us, and with Helinand himself conceding as much as was in his power, whatever was ours and pertained to us, to be held in its entirety and most freely in perpetuity. And so that [the church] may have, hold, and possess it in the future without contradiction or any retraction, our faith having been pledged that we shall always be the authors of this bounty and defenders against the violence of all usurpers, we have ordered memorial letters to be made, and having supported them with the signs of our persons, we have corroborated them by the authority and impression of our seal. Moreover, those present as witnesses of this truth were:
  The sign of Raoul; [Sign] of the countess; [Sign] of Henry; the sign of Ermentrude, wife of Helinand. Clerics: Odo the dean, John the cantor, Ivo, another Ivo, Odard, Hildier, Milo, Gunduin, Drogo, Eugubrand, Simon the son of the countess, Raoul. Enacted in the year of the Lord’s Incarnation 1114, the seventh indiction, in the sixth year of the consecration of king Louis. Knights: Ibert, Robert, Lisiard, Godfrey, Simon, Adam, Drogo, Fulk, Odo, Godfrey, Enguerrand, Werner, Baidelo, Roger, Richard, Wenric of Roye, Raoul, Payne, Guy.

Genealogiae Scriptoris Fusniacensis in Monumenta Germaniæ Historica SS 13 p253 (1881)
  7. Nunc ad Hugonem Magnum revertamur. Hugo cognomento Magnus, frater Philippi regis Francorum, de Adelaide comitissa Veromandensium genuit Radulfum comitem Veromandie et Henricum de Chauni et Simonem episcopum Noviomensem et filias. De quarum una Bonefacius marchio genuit Bonefacium archidiaconum Noviomensem et filios et filias; quarum una nupsit Guilelmo de Monte-pessulano. Secunda filia Hugonis Magni ex Radulfo de Baugenci peperit Simonem eiusdem loci principem. Tercia filia ex Ioifrido de Firmitate-Galceri genuit uxorem Simonis de Oisiaco. Quarta filia nupsit comiti de Meslent, cui peperit filios, quorum unus successit patri in comitatu, alter vero comitatem tenuit de Cirecestre.
This roughly translates as:
  7. Now let us return to Hugh the Great. Hugh, surnamed the Great, brother of Philip, king of the Franks, begat by Adelaide, countess of the Vermandois: Ralph, count of Vermandois; Henry of Chauny; Simon, Bishop of Noyon; and several daughters. From one of these daughters, Boniface the marquess begat Boniface, archdeacon of Noyon, as well as other sons and daughters; one of these daughters married William of Montpellier. The second daughter of Hugh the Great, by Ralph of Beaugency, gave birth to Simon, lord of that same place. The third daughter, by Geoffrey of La Ferté-Gaucher, begat the wife of Simon of Oisy. The fourth daughter [Isabel] married the count of Meulan, to whom she bore sons: one of these succeeded his father in the county [Meulan], while the other held the earldom of Leicester (Cirecestre).

De Genere Comitum Flandrensium, Notae Parisienses in Monumenta Germaniae Historica SS 13 p257 (1881)
  Comes Herbertus3 genuit Odonem et Adelam sororem. Odo fuit fatuus et indiscretus. Barones Viromandenses rogaverunt regem, ut Adelam daret Hugoni le Magne, fratri eiusdem regis; quod factum est. … De predicto comite Hugone et predicta Adela uxore sua exivit comes Radulfus, Simon Noviomensis episcopus, dominus Henricus de Chaumont et quatuor filie; de quibus quidam marchıo Lumbardie4 unam habuit, secundam5 dominus Baugenciaci6, tertiam7 comes Mellenti8, quartam comes Garentie9. Hugone autem comite mortuo, comes de Claro-monte10 duxit Adelam comitissam in uxorem et ex ea unam filliam11 habuit. Comes siquidem Carolus Flandrie cum illa filia matrimonium contraxit.
3) Viromandensis. 4) Bonifacius. 5) Mathildem. 6) Radulfus. 7) Elisabeth. 8) Robertus. 9) Guillelmus II. 10) Rainaldus. 11) Margaretam.
This roughly translates as:
  Count Herbert3 fathered Odo and his sister Adela. Odo was insane and rash. The barons of Vermandois asked the king to give Adela to Hugh the Great, the brother of the same king; which was done. … From the aforesaid count Hugh and his wife Adela came count Ralph, Simon bishop of Noyen, lord Henry of Chaumont and four daughters; of whom a certain marquis of Lombardy4 had one, the lord of Baugencia6 the second5, the count of Mellent8 the third7, the count of Warenne9 the fourth. But when count Hugh died, the count of Claremont10 took the countess Adela as his wife and had one daughter11 by her. Count Charles of Flanders indeed contracted marriage with that daughter.
3) Vermandois. 4) Boniface. 5) Mathilde. 6) Ralph. 7) Elizabeth. 8) Robert. 9) William II. 10) Rainald. 11) Margaret.

Mémoires pour l’histoire du Vermandois vol 1 p625 (Louis-Paul Colliette, 1771)
  La Comteſſe Adéle de Vermandois obtint le Valois, par l’abdication volontaire qu’en avoit faite à Hébert IV, Simon, ſon oncle maternel, lorſqu’il renonça en 1077 au monde, pour ſe renfermer dans le monaſtere du Mont-Jura. Elle eut encore du même Simon le comté d’Amiens, dont elle dépoſſéda les Sires de Coucy, & qu’elle céda, après la mort du Comte ſon pere, à une fille appellée Marguerite, qu’elle eut dans un ſecond mariage avec Regnault, comte de Clermont & d’Auvergne.
This roughly translates as:
  Countess Adèle de Vermandois acquired the Valois through the voluntary abdication of it made to Herbert IV by Simon, her maternal uncle, when he renounced the world in 1077 to seclude himself within the monastery of Mont-Jura. From the same Simon, she also received the County of Amiens, of which she dispossessed the Lords of Coucy, and which she ceded, after the death of her father the Count, to a daughter named Marguerite, whom she bore during her second marriage to Regnault, Count of Clermont and Auvergne.

The Encyclopaedia Britannica 11th edition vol 27 p1024 (ed. Hugh Chisholm, 1911)
  VERMANDOIS. … In 1077 the last male of the first house of Vermandois, Herbert IV., received the countship of Valois in right of his wife. He died soon afterwards, leaving his inheritance to his daughter Adela, whose first husband was Hugh the Great, the brother of king Philip I. Hugh was one of the leaders of the first crusade, and died in 1102 at Tarsus in Cilicia. The eldest son of Hugh and Adela was count Raoul (Rudolph) I. (c. 1120-1152), who married Alix of Guyenne, sister of the queen, Eleanor, and had by her three children: Raoul (Rudolph) II., the Leper (count from 1152-67); Isabelle, who possessed from 1167 to 1183 the countships of Vermandois, Valois and Amiens conjointly with her husband, Philip of Alsace, count of Flanders; and Eleanor.

The Complete Peerage vol 12 part 1 p496 (George Edward Cokayne, enlarged by Geoffrey H. White, 1953)
Hugh DE CRÉPI (styled “the Great”), COUNT OF VERMANDOIS(d) (yr. s. of HENRY I, KING OF FRANCE), by Adelaide, da. and h. of Herbert, COUNT OF VERMANDOIS and VALOIS.
  (d) Orderic, vol. iii, p. 362.

Death: 28 September, probably in 1120

Canonicus secularis et regularis p271 (Joannem Couterot, 1674)
inter quas inſignis eſt illa Viromandis Eccleſiæ, quam San-Quintinianis dederat Adela Comitiſſa Viromandenſis, ut colligitur ex Obituario illius Eccleſiæ 4. Kal. Oƈtob.
This roughly translates as:
Among which is notable that of the Church of Vermandois, which Adela, Countess of Vermandois, had given to the San Quintinians, as is gathered from the Obituary of that Church on the 4th day before Kalends of October [28 September].

Sources:

Heribert I

Father: Pepin of Vermandois

Children:
Occupation: Count of Vermandois and lay-abbot of Saint-Quentin, succeeding his father in the 890's, and count of Soissons

Notes:
In 877, Herbert and his brother Pépin were among those sent by emperor Charles the Bald to prepare for a meeting between the pope and emperor.
Annales Bertiniani p136 (1883)
[877] Nunciavit etiam inter alia isdem Adalgarius imperatori, quoniam Iohannes papa obviam illi Papiam veniret. Quapropter praemisit Odacrum secundi scrinii notarium, Goiramnum comitem et Pippinum atque Heribertum1, ad procuranda ipsius papae servitia.
1) Filii Pippini supra a. 834, p. 9. memorati, nepotes Bernhardi regis Italiae.
This roughly translates as:
[877] Among other things, Adalgius also reported to the emperor that pope John was coming to meet him at Papias. Therefore, he sent ahead Odacrum, the notary of the second cabinet, count Goiramn, and Pepin and Heribert1, to procure the services of the pope himself.
1) The sons of Pepin, mentioned above in a. 834, p. 9., were grandsons of Bernard, king of Italy.

Heribert and Pépin were with Charles the Simple at his coronation in 893.
Regionis Chronicon in Monumenta Germaniæ Historica SS 1 p605 (ed. G. H. Pertz, 1826)
  892. … Odone rege in Aquitania commorante, Francorum principes ex permaxima parte ab eo deficiunt, et agnetibus Folcone episcopo, Heriberto4 et Pippino comitibus, in Remorum civitate Carolus filius Hludowici, ex Adalheide regina, ut supra meminimus, natus, in regnum elevatur.5
4) Heribertus et Pippinus nepotes Bernardi, regis Italiae, fuerunt. 5) Carolus rex coronatus est die 28. mensis Ianuarii anni 893. Non advertit Regino auctorum a quo haec exscripsit (?) annum inchoare a paschate. BOUQUET.
This roughly translates as:
  892. … While king Odo was residing in Aquitaine, the Frankish princes for the most part defected from him, and with the help of bishop Falco, counts Heribert4 and Pippin, Charles, the son of Louis, born of queen Adalhide, as we have mentioned above, was raised to the kingdom in the city of Reims.5
4) Heribert and Pippin were grandsons of Bernard, King of Italy. 5) King Charles was crowned on the 28th of January in the year 893. The author from whom he copied this (?) does not note that the year begins at Easter. BOUQUET.

In 896, Heribert killed Raoul, brother of count Baldwin II, who had been expelled earlier that year from the countship of Vermandois
Annales Vedastini pp77-78 (ed. B. de Simson, 1909)
  Anno Domini DCCCXCVI. Odo rex in Francia biemavit, Karolus vero rex supra Mosellam. Exhinc hi qui cum Karolo erant Balduinum infestum habuere, et ubique depraedationes agebantur ab eis. Nam omnia castella tulerat eis Odo rex, excepto Remis. Igitur per varia placita totus hic annus pertransiit. Odo rex placitum cum suis fidelibus habuit, volens partem regni, quam eius fideles tenuerant, Karolo concedere. Sed Rodulfus comes omne illud placitum disrupit; unde Heribertus et Herkengerus, omnibus iam perditis, contulerunt se ad regem Odonem, paucique relicti sunt cum Karolo. Post haec Odo rex castrum Sancti Quintini et Perronam obsedit hominesque Rodulfi inde eiecit. Fulcho' vero archiepiscopus, qui adhuc favebat partibus Karoli, circumventus a fidelibus Odonis et, licet invitus, venit ad regem et de omnibus quae ei rex iussit satis illi fecit. Karolus vero hoc audito secessit in regnum Zuendebolchi.
  Ac per idem tempus iterum Nortmanni cum duce Hundeo nomine et quinque barchis iterum Sequanam ingressi; et dum rex ad alia intendit, magnum sibi et regno malum accrescere fecit. Rodulfus vero in ira commotus propter castella perdita, dum depraedari non cessat abbatiam sancti Quintini, ab Heriberto in bello occiditur.
This roughly translates as:
  In the year of our Lord 896. King Odo reigned in France, but Charles reigned over the Moselle. From then on those who were with Charles held Baldwin in hostility, and everywhere they were plundered by them. For king Odo had taken all the castles from them, except Reims. Therefore this whole year passed by various pleas. King Odo held a plea with his faithful, wishing to concede the part of the kingdom which his faithful had held to Charles. But count Rudolf broke up all that plea; whereupon Heribert and Herkenger, all now lost, went to king Odo, and a few were left with Charles. After this king Odo besieged the castle of Saint-Quentin and Perron and drove Rudolf's men out of there. But Archbishop Fulk, who still favored the parties of Charles, was surrounded by the faithful of Odo and, although unwillingly, came to the king and satisfied him with all that the king had ordered him to do. Charles, however, having heard this, retired to the kingdom of Zwendebolch.
  And at the same time the Northmen, with a leader named Hundeus and five ships, again entered the Seine; and while the king was intent on other things, he caused great evil to increase for himself and his kingdom. But Rodolph, moved with anger because of the lost castles, while he did not cease to plunder the abbey of St. Quintin, was killed in battle by Heribert.

Mémoires pour l’histoire du Vermandois vol 1 p399 (Louis-Paul Colliette, 1771)
TOUT favoriſoit à faire paſſer ſur la tête d’Hébert Ier, le comté de Vermandois & la puiſſance de Pépin, après ſa mort. Depuis pluſieurs années, ce Pere, en prudent politique, l’avoit aſſocié à ſon gouvernement. Hébert étoit donc connu des peuples & des grands vaſſaux du Vermandois, & faiſi déjà de l’autorité comme d’une ſucceſſion avitine. Qui eût penſé à l’en dépoſſéder, ou l’eût ofé faire? Charles-le-Chauve & les Rois ſubſéquens pouvoient d’ailleurs avoir conſenti au duumvirat & à l’hérédité dans la maiſon de Pépin. 
This roughly translates as:
  Everything conspired to ensure that, upon his death, the county of Vermandois, along with the power wielded by Pepin, would pass to his son, Herbert I. For several years prior, the father, acting as a prudent statesman, had associated him with his own governance. Herbert was, therefore, well known to the populace and the great vassals of Vermandois, and had already taken hold of authority as if it were an ancestral inheritance. Who would have thought to dispossess him of it, or who would have dared to do so? Moreover, Charles the Bald and the kings who succeeded him may well have consented to this dual rule and to the principle of hereditary succession within the House of Pepin.
pp407-408
  Hébert Ier fut Comte de Vermandois & Abbé de l’égliſe de ſaint Quentin. Avoir poſſédé l’une dignité, c’étoit avoir obtenu l’autre; elles reſterent inſéparables pendant pluſieurs ſiécles. Ce Prince paroît avoir été d’abord un Seigneur religieux & ami de la paix. Dès qu’il fut à la tête de ſon gouvernement, & qu’il eut commencé à conduire ſeul le comté de Vermandois, il s’appliqua ſérieuſement à la bonne adminiſtration de l’égliſe de ſaint Quentin. Il fit reconſtruire un lieu propre à renfermer les corps des deux ſaints Patrons de cette baſilique. Notre province étoit alors tranquille de la part des Normands; & le feu de la guerre qui venoit de dévaſter les pays de Reims, de Laon & du Vermandois, avoit été porté, dès le mois de Mai 893, en Bourgogne par le Roi Eudes, qui y étoit allé attaquer Charles, le fils de Louis le Begue. L’ouvrage d’Hébert Ier fut terminé en cette année; c’étoit la ſeptieme depuis qu’on l’avoit commencé. On ſe rappelle ici que la belle égliſe bâtie par Fulrade, avoit été totalement incendiée par les Normands, dix ans auparavant: il n’en étoit reſté que quelques édifices dont on a parlé plus haut, & les murs du temple incendié; dans l’enceinte deſquels on avoit dépoſé les reliques des deux Saints. Hébert avoit donc achevé d’en faire redreſſer les débris, & avoit bâti ſur les fondemens anciens, qui n’étoient pas heureuſement calcinés, une égliſe décente. Il ne pouvoit commencer ſa régence ſous des auſpices plus louables. 
This roughly translates as:
  Herbert I was Count of Vermandois and Abbot of the Church of Saint-Quentin. To have held the one dignity was to have obtained the other; they remained inseparable for several centuries. This Prince appears to have been, initially, a pious lord and a lover of peace. As soon as he stood at the head of his government, and had begun to rule the county of Vermandois single-handedly, he applied himself earnestly to the proper administration of the church of Saint-Quentin. He commissioned the reconstruction of a fitting shrine to house the bodies of the two patron saints of that basilica. Our province was, at that time, free from the threat of the Normans; indeed, the fires of war, which had just devastated the lands of Reims, Laon, and Vermandois, had been carried into Burgundy as early as May 893 by king Odo, who had gone there to attack Charles, the son of Louis the Stammerer. Herbert I’s undertaking was completed that very year, the seventh since its inception. It is worth recalling here that the magnificent church built by Fulrad had been completely consumed by fire at the hands of the Normans ten years earlier; nothing remained of it save for a few structures mentioned previously, and the charred walls of the burnt temple, within the precincts of which the relics of the two Saints had been deposited. Herbert had, therefore, completed the restoration of the ruins, erecting a seemly church atop the ancient foundations, which, fortunately, had not been calcified by the heat. He could not have commenced his regency under more laudable auspices.
pp409-412
  Le Comte de Paris, Eudes, ſe maintenoit ſur le trône de France depuis neuf ans qu’il y étoit monté. Charles. que l’on a depuis ſurnommé le Simple, à cauſe de ſon exceſſive bonté, & des malheurs dans leſquels elle l’a entraîné, ne put enfin ſupporter que ſon autorité demeurât plus long-temps dans les mains de ſon ennemi. Il fit entendre ſon droit à toute la France, & ſe forma de puiſſans partis pour reprendre ſa couronne. Le Comte Hébert favoriſa les intérêts de ce Prince, & s’en déclara ouvertement le protecteur.
… Le Comte de Flandre Baudoin II, & Raoul, Comte de Cambrai, ſon frere, tous deux fils de Baudoin Bras-de-fer, embraſſerent le même parti. Nous ne voyons pas que cette confédération eut encore produit aucun heureux effet en faveur de Charles le Simple, lorſqu Hébert, en abandonnant tacitement la défenſe de ſon Souverain, & ſe liguant contre lui, ſe rendit coupable du crime de félonie. Il oſa même conſommer peu après ſa perfidie avec éclat, en épouſant la fille de Robert II, Comte de Paris, le frere d’Eudes, & en adoptant ouvertement les ſentimens de ces rebelles.
  Cette infidélité devint la ſource d’une haine implacable que le Comte de Flandre conçut contre celui de Vermandois. Raoul de Cambrai, frere de ce Seigneur, enleva à Hébert, en l’année 897, (les annales de ſaint Vaſt diſent en 895) les villes de Péronne & de Saint-Quentin. Cette derniere place étoit commandée par le fils d’un nommé Thierry, qu’Hébert y avoit établi Gouverneur. Les Angevins, qui avoient été précédemment protégés par Hébert, ne purent ſouſſrir que ſes poſſeſſions fuſſent uſurpées par ſes ennemis. Ils appellerent les Normands à ſon ſecours. Ces fiers deſcendans de ceux-mêmes qui avoient auparavant ravagé le Vermandois, firent bientôt après rentrer dans les mains du Comte les villes qu’on lui avoit enlevées. Les mêmes annales de ſaint Vaſt diſent que le Roi Eudes vint faire en perſonne le ſiege des villes de Péronne & de Saint-Quentin, & qu’il en chaſſa lui - même les troupes de Raoul de Cambrai. Ce Seigneur voulut tirer vengeance des proteƈteurs d’Hébert; il s’arma contre les Angevins, & fut tué dans un leger combat qu’il leur avoit livré. Des auteurs ont écrit qu’il reçut le coup, qui l’attéra des mains du Comte de Vermandois.
  Les heureux ſuccès du Comte de Paris ne pouvoient l’aveugler ſur les légitimes prétentions de Charles à la couronne des François. Eudes régnoit depuis dix ans, lorſqu’il remit enfin à ce Prince le ſceptre qui lui étoit inconteſtablement dû par le droit de ſa naiſſance. Auſſi-tôt après cette abdication, Charles ſe fit ſacrer une ſeconde fois à Reims par l’archevêque Foucault: c’étoit en l’an 898. Tous les Seigneurs les plus conſidérables du royaume devoient ſe rendre préſens à cette céromonie. Le Comte de Flandre cependant, quoique parent du Roi, ne s’y trouva point. Irrité contre Hébert qui y aſſiſtoit en perſonne, il refuſa de ſe rencontrer avec l’homicide de ſon frere Raoul. Robert, Comte de Paris, étoit auſſi venu à Reims. Il y fut infiniment gracieuſé de Charles qui, trop bon pour ſe reſſouvenir des outrages qu’il avoit reçus de ſon frere Eudes, ne s’attacha qu’à le traiter en favori. Les autres Grands du Royaume firent alors hommages de leurs fiefs au Roi, & lui prêterent leurs ſermens de fidélité.
…  Soit par l’effet d’une politique qui ſe plie aux divers événemens, ſoit par la crainte du ſupplice qu’il ſçavoit avoir mérité, ſoit enfin par le repentir de ſa révolte. Hébert s’étoit retourné vers ſon légitime Souverain. Charles le Simple, plus bienfaiſant, & peut-être plus mol que vindicatif, l’avoit reçu en grace. Il le revêtit de nouveau du comté de Péronne. C’étoit-là le premier titre de Pépin & d’Hébert, ſous lequel on doit comprendre toutes les poſſeſſions du comté de Vermandois. Ces faveurs, accordées par le Roi à ſon ancien ennemi, déplurent au Comte de Flandre, & attiſerent ſa haine contre celui de Vermandois: elle alloit éclater par de nouveaux excès: on crut devoir l’éteindre par l’engagement d’Alix, fille du Comte Hébert, qu’on promit de faire épouſer à Arnoul, le fils du Comte de Flandre.
…  Les fiançailles de la fille d’Hébert avec Arnoul, l’héritier du Comte de Flandre, n’avoient point opéré de changement ſolide dans les eſprits de cette derniere famille, trop aigrie contre la premiere. La mort d’un frere tendrement aimé, les villes de Péronne & de Saint-Quentin entre les mains d’Hébert, la bienveillance parfaite du Roi Charles, dont ce Seigneur étoit honoré, lorſque lui Comte de Flandre étoit peu conſidéré de ce Prince ſon parent, c’étoient aurant de griefs que Baudoin ne pouvoit paſſer à ſon ennemi. Il réſolut de l’immoler enfin à ſon reſſentiment: il le fit làchement aſſaſſiner en l’an 902, par un ſatellite nommé Alduin, qu’il avoit engagé à commettre ce crime.  
This roughly translates as:
  Eudes, Count of Paris, had maintained himself upon the throne of France for the nine years that had passed since his accession. Charles, whom posterity has since nicknamed the Simple, on account of his excessive good nature and the misfortunes into which it led him, could at length no longer endure seeing his authority remain in the hands of his enemy. He proclaimed his rights throughout France and rallied powerful factions to his cause in order to reclaim his crown. Count Herbert championed the interests of this Prince and openly declared himself his protector.
… Baldwin II, Count of Flanders, and his brother, Raoul, Count of Cambrai, both sons of Baldwin Bras-de-fer, embraced the same cause. We find no evidence that this confederation had yet yielded any favorable results for Charles the Simple when Herbert, by tacitly abandoning the defense of his Sovereign and conspiring against him, rendered himself guilty of the crime of felony. Shortly thereafter, he even dared to consummate his perfidy in a most conspicuous manner by marrying the daughter of Robert II, Count of Paris, the brother of Eudes, and by openly adopting the sentiments of these rebels.
  This act of disloyalty became the source of an implacable hatred that the Count of Flanders conceived against the Count of Vermandois. Raoul of Cambrai, the brother of the former nobleman, seized the towns of Péronne and Saint-Quentin from Herbert in the year 897 (though the annals of saint Vaast place the event in 895). This latter stronghold was under the command of the son of a certain Thierry, whom Herbert had appointed as its governor. The Angevins, who had previously been protected by Herbert, could not tolerate seeing his possessions usurped by his enemies. They called upon the Normans to come to his aid. These proud descendants of the very men who had earlier ravaged the Vermandois soon succeeded in restoring to the Count the towns that had been wrested from him. The same annals of saint Vaast state that King Odo came in person to lay siege to the towns of Péronne and Saint-Quentin, and that he himself drove out the troops of Raoul of Cambrai. This lord sought to exact vengeance upon Herbert’s protectors; he took up arms against the Angevins and was killed in a minor skirmish he had fought against them. Some authors have written that he received the blow that struck him down at the hands of the Count of Vermandois.
  The Count of Paris’s successes, however fortunate, could not blind him to Charles’s legitimate claims to the crown of the Franks. Eudes had reigned for ten years when he finally handed over to this Prince the scepter that was indisputably his by right of birth. Immediately following this abdication, Charles had himself consecrated a second time at Reims by archbishop Foucault; this took place in the year 898. All the most prominent lords of the realm were expected to attend this ceremony. The Count of Flanders, however, though a kinsman of the King, did not appear. Incensed at Hébert, who was present in person, he refused to be in the same company as the slayer of his brother, Raoul. Robert, Count of Paris, had also come to Reims. There, he was treated with the utmost graciousness by Charles, who, too good-natured to dwell on the insults he had suffered at the hands of Robert’s brother, Eudes, focused solely on treating him as a favorite. The other great lords of the realm then paid homage for their fiefs to the King and swore their oaths of fealty.
… Whether as a result of a political pragmatism that adapts to shifting circumstances, or out of fear of the punishment he knew he deserved, or finally, out of remorse for his rebellion, Hébert had turned back toward his legitimate Sovereign. Charles the Simple, more benevolent, and perhaps more yielding than vindictive, had received him back into his good graces. He reinvested him with the county of Péronne. This had been the original title held by both Pepin and Hébert, a designation understood to encompass all the possessions of the County of Vermandois. These favors, granted by the King to his former enemy, displeased the Count of Flanders and inflamed his hatred against the Count of Vermandois; this hatred was on the verge of erupting in fresh acts of violence, and it was deemed necessary to extinguish it through the betrothal of Alix, daughter of Count Herbert, whom it was promised would be given in marriage to Arnoul, the son of the Count of Flanders.
…  The betrothal of Hébert’s daughter to Arnoul, heir to the Count of Flanders, had brought about no lasting change in the sentiments of the latter family, which remained too embittered against the former. The death of a dearly beloved brother; the towns of Péronne and Saint-Quentin held in Hébert’s hands; and King Charles’s perfect favor, with which that lord was honored, while he himself, the Count of Flanders, was held in scant regard by that prince, his kinsman, these were so many grievances that Baldwin could not overlook in his enemy. He resolved, at last, to sacrifice him to his vengeance: in the year 902, he had him basely assassinated by a henchman named Alduin, whom he had incited to commit the crime.
p416
  Comment conſidérerons-nous donc Hébert Ier? Il fut certes un Seigneur illuſtre par ſa naiſſance & ſes alliances, par ſa puiſſance & ſon crédit. Il eut le génie de ſon temps; beaucoup de barbarie dans les mœurs, & des vices qu’on ne conciliera jamais facilement avec quelques marques éclatantes qu’il a données de piété. Sa religion, éclipſée par les vices, paroît toujours en déroute. Avec les égaremens de ſon ſiécle, dont il ne fut pas ſe garantir, Hébert Ier eut un eſprit farouche, ardent, indomptable. Sa cupidité réparoit ſes pertes, & ſon faſte, par les biens de l’Egliſe. Uſurpateur & vain tout-à-la-fois, il faiſoit ſervir à ſes vues ambitieuſes le ſacré & le profane. Les circonſtances des temps & ſes paſſions violentes, régloient ſes procédés. Le vieux levain de haine conçue contre la Maiſon régnante, il l’entretint toujours en ſon cœur, & en tranſmit l’amertume à ſes deſcendans. Aujourd’hui attaché à ſon Roi par un motif, il l’abandonnoit le lendemain par une autre cauſe, prêt encore à changer au premier mouvement d’une autre impulſion. Disons-le: il parut ne connoître, ni devoir, ni vertu. Sa fin tragique n’ôta qu’un monstre au monde.  
This roughly translates as:
  How, then, shall we regard Hébert I? He was, to be sure, a Lord illustrious by birth and by his alliances, by his power and his influence. He possessed the spirit of his age, much barbarity in his manners, and vices that one can never easily reconcile with the few striking proofs of piety he occasionally displayed. His faith, eclipsed by his vices, appears to be in perpetual disarray. Along with the moral aberrations of his century, from which he failed to guard himself, Hébert I possessed a fierce, fiery, and indomitable spirit. His avarice replenished his losses and funded his ostentation, doing so at the expense of Church property. At once a usurper and a vain man, he bent both the sacred and the profane to serve his ambitious designs. The circumstances of the times, combined with his own violent passions, dictated his conduct. He constantly harbored within his heart the old leaven of hatred conceived against the reigning House, and he bequeathed its bitterness to his descendants. One day bound to his King by a certain motive, he would abandon him the next for a different cause, ever ready to shift allegiance at the slightest impulse. Let us speak plainly: he appeared to acknowledge neither duty nor virtue. His tragic end merely rid the world of a monster.

The Encyclopaedia Britannica 11th edition vol 27 p1024 (ed. Hugh Chisholm, 1911)
  VERMANDOIS, a French countship composed originally of the two burgraviates (chatellenies) of St Quentin (Aisne) and Peronne (Somme). Herbert I., the earliest of its hereditary counts, was descended in direct male line from the emperor Charlemagne, and was killed in 902 by an assassin in the pay of Baldwin II., count of Flanders.

Death: 902, assassinated by a man named Alduin, hired by Baldwin II of Flanders
Regino of Prüm, writing circa 906, in comments added to the obituary of king Bernard of Italy under the year 818, mentions that Bernard's grandson Heribert had killed count Rodulf, which event occured in 896 and that Heribert was killed not long after by a supporter (also named Baldwin) of Rodulf's brother Baldwin II of Flanders, but Heribert continues to appear in the Annales Vedastini until they end in 900.

Regionis Chronicon in Monumenta Germaniæ Historica SS 1 p567 (ed. G. H. Pertz, 1826)
Bernhardus filius Pippini, rex Italiae, Aquis evocatus ad imperatorem dolo capitur, et primo oculis, post vita privatur. Habuit autem iste Bernhardus filium nomine Pippinum, qui tres liberos genuit, Bernhardum, Pippinum et Heribertum; qui Heribertus Rodulfum comitem, filium Balduini interfecit nostris temporibus, et non multum post occisus est a Balduino, satellite Balduini, fratris Rodulfi, qui Balduinus hucusque in Flandris ducatum tenet.
This roughly translates as:
Bernard, the son of Pepin, king of Italy, was summoned to the emperor at Aquis and was captured by trickery, and at first he was blinded, then deprived of his life. This Bernard had a son named Pepin, who fathered three children, Bernard, Pepin, and Heribert; Heribert killed count Rudolf, son of Baldwin in our times, and not long after was killed by Baldwin, a vassal of Baldwin, brother of Rudolf, which Baldwin still holds the duchy in Flanders.

Sources:

Heribert II

Father: Heribert I

Married: a daughter of Robert I, king of France

Children:
Occupation: Count of Vermandois, Soissons and Meaux, and lay-abbot of Saint-Quentin and Saint-Médard de Soissons

Herbert inherited the titles of count of Soissons, count of Vermandois, and the positions of lay-abbot of St. Quentin and St. Médard de Soissons (entitling him to the income of those estates) from his father in 907. His marriage with a daughter of king Robert I of France brought him the county of Meaux, and he acquired the county of Beauvais on the death of his relative, count Bernard.

Notes:
In 923, using false promises of safe conduct, Heribert captured king Charles the Simple, who remained a captive for the rest of his life.
Flodoardi annales in Monumenta Germaniæ Historica SS 3 pp371-2 (ed. G. H. Pertz, 1839)
  Anno 923
… Tumque Karolo trans Mosam refugiente, Rodulfum cuncti regem eligunt. Rodulfus filius Richardi rex apud urbem Suessonicam constituitur. Et Heribertus comes Bernardum, consobrinum suum, cum aliis legatis, consilium quod per illos agebatur, ut fertur, ignorantibus, ad Karolum dirigit. Qui ab eisdem sacramentis persuasus, ad Heribertum cum paucis proficiscitur, quique eum in castello suo super Somnam apud Sanctum Quintinum suscepit, indeque his qui cum eo venerant remissis, Karolum in quandam munitionem suam, quae vocatur Castellum Theoderici, super Maternam fluvium deduci fecit, ibique illum, subministratis victui necessariis, sub custodia detinuit; 
This roughly translates as:
In the year 923
… And when Charles fled across the Meuse, they all chose Rudolph as king. Rudolph, Richard's son, was established as king at the city of Soissons. And Count Herbert sent his cousin Bernard, with other ambassadors, to Charles, who, as is said, were unaware of the plan which was being carried out by them. The latter, persuaded by the same oaths, went with a few to Herbert, who received him in his castle on the Somme at Saint Quintin, and from there, having dismissed those who had come with him, he had Charles led to a certain fortress of his, which is called Theoderic's Castle, on the river Materne, and there, having supplied him with the necessary provisions, he detained him under guard;

Historiarum Glabri Rodulphi in Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France vol 8 pp238-9 (1871)
CAROLUS Hebes habebat unum inter regni sui Primates quemdam Heribertum, cujus ex sacro fonte filium susceperat: qui tamen ei calliditate sua certissimè suspectus esse potuisset, si non excogitatæ fraudis simultas intervenisset. Cùm enim decrevisset idem Heribertus prædictum Regem deeipere, fingens cujusdam deliberandi occasionem negotii, qualiter illum, ut postmodùm fecit, demulcendo in unum castrorum suorum introduceret, ac vinculatum carceri manciparet: tandem verò à quibusdam suggestum est Regi ut cautissimè se ageret, ne Heriberti involveretur fraudibus. Dumque ille ex hoc, quod audierat, credulus cautelam sibi de Heriberto adhibere decrevisset, contigit una die nimis expeditè eumdem Heribertum cum suo filio in Regis Palatium devenire. Surgens itaque Rex ei osculum porrexit: ille verò toto se humilians corpore, osculum Regis suscepit. Deinde cùm ejus filium osculatus fuisset, stansque juvenis, quamvis conscius fraudis, novus tamen calliditatis, Regi minimè semet supplicaret; pater cernens, qui propter adstabat, valenter alapam collo juvenis intulit; Seniorem, inquiens, et Regem erecto corpore osculaturum non debere suscipere quandoque scito. Quod intuens Rex cunctiquè qui aderant, abhinc deceptionis fraudisque adversùs Regem Heribertum expertem crediderunt. Videns quoque Regem contra se placatum, nihilominùs rogabat attentiùs ut ad se veniens negotium deliberaturus, quod dudum poposcerat. Statim verò Rex promisit se quò vellet iturum. Designato igitur die venit Rex ubi Heribertus rogaverat, tenuem etiam ducens exercitum amicitiæ gratia. Qui nimiùm pomposè die primo ab eo susceptus: in secundo autem quasi ex jussu Regis præcepit idem Heribertus ut universi, qui cum Rege venerant, ad propria redirent, veluti ipse cum suis obsequio Regis sufïiceret. Illi quoque, audito Heriberto, recesserunt, ignorantes quòd Regem in vinculis reliquissent. Tenuit enim Heribertus vinctum prædictum Regem usque in diem mortis suæ;
… Jam enim prædictus Heribertus morte crudeli obierat: nam cùm diutino excruciatus languore ad vitæ exitum propinquaret, atque à suis tam de salute animæ, quàm de suæ domûs dispositione interrogaretur, omninò nihil aliud respondebat nisi hoc solummodò verbum; Duodecim fuimus qui traditionem Caroli jurando consensimus: hocque plurimùm repetens expiravit.
This roughly translates as:
CHARLES the Simple had one of the Primates of his kingdom, a certain Heribert, whose son he had received from a sacred source: who, however, could very certainly have been suspected of him by his cunning, if the conspiracy of a contrived fraud had not intervened. For when the same Heribert had decided to deceive the aforesaid King, feigning an occasion for some deliberation of business, how, as he afterwards did, he would introduce him by flattery into one of his camps, and bind him to prison: at length it was suggested to the King by some that he should act very cautiously, lest Heribert should be involved in the frauds of Heribert. And while he, believing what he had heard, had decided to take precautions against Heribert, it happened one day that the same Heribert with his son arrived very hastily at the King's Palace. So the King rose and gave him a kiss: but he, humbling himself with his whole body, received the King's kiss. Then, when he had kissed his son, and the young man, though aware of the fraud, yet new to cunning, was standing there begging the King in the least; seeing this, the father, who was standing by, gave the young man a strong slap on the neck; saying that he should not accept the elder, and that he should kiss the King with his erect body, knowing that he should not do so. Seeing which, the King and all who were present believed that King Heribert, who had been previously opposed to deception and fraud, had never been deceived. Seeing also that the King had been appeased against him, he nevertheless begged him more earnestly that he would come to him and discuss the matter, which he had long requested. The King immediately promised that he would go wherever he wished. So on the appointed day, the King came where Heribert had asked, leading a small army out of friendship. Who was received by him very pompously on the first day: but on the second, as if by order of the King, the same Heribert ordered that all who had come with the King should return to their own, as if he himself and his own were sufficient to serve the King. They also, having heard Heribert, withdrew, unaware that they had left the King in chains. For Heribert held the aforesaid King bound until the day of his death;
… For the aforesaid Heribert had now died a cruel death: for when, tormented by long languor, he was nearing the end of his life, and was questioned by his own people both about the health of his soul and about the disposition of his house, he answered nothing else but this one word; There were twelve of us who agreed to the surrender of Charles by oath: and repeating this many times, he expired.

Mémoires pour l’histoire du Vermandois vol 1 pp423-426 (Louis-Paul Colliette, 1771)
le Comte de Vermandois s’étoit trouvé décidé dès long-temps, par les engagemens de ſa naiſſance & de ſes alliances, pour le parti qu’il devoit ſuivre. Au milieu des faƈtions qui s’étoient formées contre le Roi Charles, il ne ſe reſſouvenoit que trop auſſi de la haine & de la vengeance qu’il devoit à la branche régnante des Carlovingiens, pour avoir fait mourir Bernard ſon biſaïeul, après l’avoir expulſé du royaume d’Italie. Enfin, ce Seigneur portoit dans ſon cœur avide, & dans ſon eſprit turbulent & amateur de la nouveauté, le motif déterminatif de toutes ſes actions. Il aſſiſta aux opérations dont on vient de parler, & y abjura ſon légitime maître, pour s’en créer un autre.
  Il ne s’en tint point à ce forfait. Après la mort de l’archevêque Hérivée, il s’appliqua à tirer, des troubles qu’il avoit occaſionnés, tout le profit qui pouvoit lui en revenir pour ſa maiſon. Seulfus, auparavant chanoine & archi-diacre de Reims, homme ambitieux, mais d’ailleurs habile & entendu dans les matieres eccléſiaſtiques & ſéculieres, avoit été élu & ſacré en la place d’Hérivée par les ſoins du Roi Robert. Il y étoit extrêmement molesté par Odon, le frere du défunt Archevêque, & Hérivée, neveu du même Prélat, tous deux Seigneurs de Châtillon & de Bazoches. Deſtitué du ſecours dont il avoit beſoin pour repouſſer les violences de ces adverſaires, Seulfus invoqua celui du Comte de Vermandois. Hébert vola vers lui, & fit bientôt Odon & Hérivée ſes priſonniers. On prétend que le principal reſſentiment de Seulfus contre ces Seigneurs venoit du trop conſtant attachement qu’il voyoit en eux pour Charles que le rebelle Archevêque vouloit leur faire ſacriſier à Robert. Ce dernier Roi pardevant qui on conduiſit les priſonniers, les fit jetter ſéparément dans les chaines qu’ils garderent juſqu à ſa mort. Hébert fut chargé de veiller ſur Odon. Le jeune Hérivée fut envoyé à Paris. Le moindre avantage qu’Hébert acquit par cette viƈtoire, dut être la dépouille de ces deux feudataires de l’égliſe de Reims. Mais on ajoute que Seulfus ne borna pas à cette récompense ſa reconnoiſſance envers le Comte défenſeur; comme auſſi que celui-ci ne voulut pas ſans doute ſe contenter de quelques ſimples fiefs. Ils convinrent de préparer conjointement les eſprits, & de les ménager en faveur de Hugues de Vermandois, fils d’Hébert, pour le ſiege archiepiſcopal de Reims, quand, par la mort, la retraite ou les infirmités de Seulfus, il ſeroit néceſſaire d’y pourvoir.
…  Le combat fut fanglant. Charles y tua lui-même Robert d’un coup de lance.
…  Le temps étoit trop précieux aux Seigneurs confédérés, pour différer plus long-temps de prévenir les brouilleries qui pouvoient naître parmi eux au ſujet de l’élection d’un nouveau Roi. Ils ſe hâterent de donner un ſucceſſeur à Robert. Leur choix tomba ſur Raoul de Bourgogne, fils de Richard, Duc de cette province, & le gendre de Robert.
  Les prétentions d’Hébert au ſceptre n’étoient pas plus mal fondées que celles du jeune Duc de Bourgogne, dit Aimoin; mais on ſe garda bien de lui donner la préférence ſur ce Seigneur. Hébert étoit univerſellement haï de l’armée à cauſe de ſon inhumanité & de ſon caraƈtere perfide. D’autre côté, Hugues, le fils de Robert, paroiſſoit encore trop jeune pour être chargé du poids d’une couronne. Hébert fut-il content de cette éleƈtion, ou en conçut-il quelque reſſentiment, qu’il cacha en ruſé politique? Ou, pourvu qu’il ſatisfit uniquement ſon caraƈtere méchant & artificieux, s’inquiétoit-il peu à l’avantage de qui ſes crimes puſſent tourner? Nous ne le pouvons dire: ce qui eſt certain, c’eſt que, dès cet événement nouveau, il ajouta, ſans pudeur, de nouvelles ſcélérateſſes à celles qu’il avoit déjà commiſes. Sous le prétexte d’une paix ſincere qu’il feignit de conclure avec Charles le Simple, il tendit des piéges à ſa foibleſſe, & ſuborna, par une odieuſe diſſimulation, ce Prince trop crédule. Hébert étoit de retour en ſa ville capitale. De là il envoya vers le Roi des députés, pour le convier à ſe rendre à Saint-Quentin: il le fit aſſurer en même temps par eux, qu’il vouloit s’en remettre à ſa clémence royale, & le reconnoître déſormais pour ſon maître. Bernard, comte de Senlis, parent d’Hébert, étoit à la tête de l’ambaſſade; & ce Seigneur ne ſoupçonnoit pas même la noirceur de la trame qu’on lui faiſoit ourdir. Charles, de ſon côté, crut que les proteſtations qu’on lui faiſoit, étoient vraies. Il renvoya la plus grande partie des gens qui l’accompagnoient; & ſe rendit, preſque ſans cortége, au château d’Hébert dans la ville de Saint-Quentin. Ce traître ſe ſaiſit, ſans obſtacle, de la perſonne ſacrée de ſon Prince. Il avoit un autre fort ſur la Marne, appellé Château-Thierry: il y fit conduire ſon priſonnier; & après avoir ordonné qu’on ne le laiſſat pas manquer de ce qui étoit néceſſaire à la vie, il courut incontinent porter la nouvelle de la réuſſite de ſon artifice au Roi Raoul en Bourgogne.  
This roughly translates as:
the Count of Vermandois had long since found his course, regarding the faction he was bound to follow, determined by the obligations of his birth and his alliances. Amidst the factions that had formed against King Charles, he remembered all too well the hatred and vengeance he owed to the reigning branch of the Carolingians for having put to death Bernard, his great-great-grandfather, after expelling him from the kingdom of Italy. Ultimately, this Lord carried within his avaricious heart, and his turbulent spirit, ever enamored of novelty, the decisive motive behind all his actions. He took part in the proceedings just described, and there renounced his legitimate master in order to set up another.
  He did not stop at this single crime. After the death of archbishop Hérivée, he set himself to extracting from the disturbances he had instigated every possible advantage that might accrue to his own house. Seulfus, formerly a canon and archdeacon of Reims, an ambitious man yet one otherwise skilled and knowledgeable in both ecclesiastical and secular affairs, had been elected and consecrated to succeed Hérivée through the efforts of King Robert. In this office, he was subjected to severe harassment by Odo, the late archbishop’s brother, and by Hérivée, the nephew of the same Prelate, both of whom were Lords of Châtillon and Bazoches. Deprived of the support he needed to repel the violent aggressions of these adversaries, Seulfus appealed to the Count of Vermandois for aid. Herbert hastened to his side and soon took both Odo and Hérivée prisoner. It is alleged that Seulfus’s primary grievance against these lords stemmed from the unwavering loyalty he observed in them toward Charles, a loyalty the rebellious Archbishop sought to compel them to sacrifice in favor of Robert. The latter King, before whom the prisoners were brought, ordered them to be cast separately into chains, which they wore until his death. Herbert was charged with keeping watch over Odo. The young Heriveus was sent to Paris. The least of the rewards Herbert gained from this victory must surely have been the spoils of these two vassals of the church of Reims. Yet it is added that Seulfus did not limit his gratitude toward the defending Count to this recompense alone; nor, doubtless, was the Count himself content to settle for a few mere fiefs. They agreed to work jointly to sway public opinion and to cultivate support in favor of Hugh of Vermandois, Herbert’s son, for the archiepiscopal see of Reims, whenever the time should come to fill that office, whether through Seulfus’s death, retirement, or infirmity.
…  The battle was a bloody one. Charles himself slew Robert with a single lance-thrust.
…  Time was too precious to the confederate Lords to delay any longer in forestalling the discord that might arise among them regarding the election of a new King. They hastened to name a successor to Robert. Their choice fell upon Rudolph of Burgundy, son of Richard, Duke of that province, and Robert’s own son-in-law.
  Herbert’s claims to the scepter were no less well-founded than those of the young Duke of Burgundy, notes Aimoin; yet great care was taken to ensure that he was not given precedence over that nobleman. Hébert was universally detested by the army on account of his inhumanity and his perfidious character. On the other hand, Hugh, the son of Robert, still appeared too young to bear the weight of a crown. Was Hébert content with this election, or did he harbor some resentment toward it, a resentment he concealed with the cunning of a shrewd politician? Or, provided only that he could gratify his own wicked and deceitful nature, did he care little to whose advantage his crimes might ultimately redound? We cannot say; what is certain, however, is that immediately following this new turn of events, he shamelessly added fresh acts of villainy to those he had already committed. Under the pretext of a sincere peace, which he feigned to be concluding with Charles the Simple, he laid snares for the King’s weakness and, through odious dissimulation, ensnared that all-too-credulous Prince. Hébert had returned to his capital city. From there, he dispatched envoys to the King to invite him to come to Saint-Quentin; at the same time, he had them assure the King that he wished to cast himself upon his royal clemency and henceforth acknowledge him as his sovereign. Bernard, count of Senlis, a kinsman of Hébert, stood at the head of this embassy; yet even this nobleman harbored not the slightest suspicion regarding the blackness of the plot he was being made to weave. Charles, for his part, believed the protestations made to him to be genuine. He dismissed the greater part of his retinue and proceeded, almost entirely without escort, to Hébert’s castle within the city of Saint-Quentin. This traitor seized, without hindrance, the sacred person of his Prince. He possessed another stronghold on the Marne, called Château-Thierry; thither he had his prisoner conveyed, and, having given orders that he should be supplied with all the necessities of life, he immediately hastened to carry the news of the success of his stratagem to King Raoul in Burgundy.

Death: 23 February 943
Flodoardi annales in Monumenta Germaniæ Historica SS 3 p389 (ed. G. H. Pertz, 1839)
  Anno 943
… Heribertus comes obiit, quem sepelierunt apud sanctum Quintinum filii sui; et audientes Rodulfum, filium Rodulfi de Gaugliaco, quasi ad invadendam terram patris eorum advenisse, aggressi eundem interemerunt. Quo audito, rex Ludowicus valde tristis efficitur.
This roughly translates as:
In the year 943
… Count Heribert died, whom his sons buried at the house of Saint Quintin; and hearing that Rodolfo, the son of Rodolfo de Gaugliaco, had come as if to invade their father's land, they attacked him and killed him. Hearing this, King Louis became very sad.

"Nouvelle recherches sur les personnages de Raoul de Cambrai" in Romania vol 38 p229n (A. Longnon, 1909)
  4. L’obit du comte Herbert est indiquè au 7 des calendes de mars (= 23 février), dans les nécrologes de l’église métropolitaine de Reims, comme en ceux de l’abbaye de Saint-Remy de la même ville, où sa présence s’explique par le fait qu’Herbert de Vermandois était au moment de sa mort administrateur du temporel de l’archevêché pour son fils, le jeune archevêque Hugues. Pour l’église métropolitaine, je renverrai à la publication faite par Varin (Archives législatives de la ville de Reims, seconde partie. Statuts, t. I, p. 70). En ce qui regarde Saint-Remv de Reims, on peut recourir aux extraits que les religieux de Saint-Germain des Prés ont faits d’un obituaire aujourd’hui perdu (ms. latin 12781 de la Bibliothèque nationale, fo 177 vo)
This roughly translates as:
   4. The obituary of Count Herbert is recorded on the 7th day before the Kalends of March (February 23rd) in the necrologies of the metropolitan church of Reims, as well as in those of the Abbey of Saint-Remy in the same city, where his presence is explained by the fact that Herbert of Vermandois was, at the time of his death, administrator of the temporal affairs of the archbishopric for his son, the young Archbishop Hugh. For the metropolitan church, I refer to the publication by Varin (Archives législatives de la ville de Reims, second part. Statuts, vol. I, p. 70). Regarding Saint-Remy of Reims, one can consult the extracts made by the monks of Saint-Germain des Prés from an obituary now lost (Latin manuscript 12781 of the Bibliothèque nationale, folio 177 verso).

Mémoires pour l’histoire du Vermandois vol 1 pp457-458 (Louis-Paul Colliette, 1771)
Les Comtes de Paris & de Vermandois reconnurent Louis, & ſe donnerent à lui, en la préſence du Roi de Germanie, le principal auteur de cette réconciliation.
  Hébert venoit de faire alors une paix, qu’il ne lui fut plus donné de rompre. Sa vie tumultueuſe & agitée finit en 943. Si l’on en croit Raoul dit Glaber, & plusieurs auteurs qui l’ont peut-être copié, le Comte de Vermandois mourut du ſupplice qu’il s’étoit bien attiré. Il fut pendu ſur la montagne qui, de cette circonſtance, porte encore à préſent le nom d’Hébert; laquelle eſt ſituée entre la ville de Laon & celle de Saint-Quentin. C’étoit le digne châtitiment dont Louis d’Outremer avoit cru devoir punir le tortionnaire & l’homicide de ſon pere Charles le Simple; ſon ennemi propre & déclaré, & le fléau de tout ſon voiſinage. Frodoard, auteur contemporain, quoique défavorable à ce Seigneur, rapporte ſimplement que ſes enfans lui donnerent la ſépulture, après ſa mort, dans la ville de Saint-Quentin. Æmilius en dit autant, & combat fortement le bruit vulgaire de la mort funeſte d’Hébert, par la ſeule raiſon que le parti de ce Comte étoit trop puiſſant pour qu’il eût ſouffert impunément que le Roi eût tiré de ce Seigneur une vengeance ſi éclatante. D’ailleurs, ſon fils Albert jouit conſtamment d’un grand crédit à la Cour de Louis d’Outremer, ſous les yeux duquel il recueillit la riche ſucceſſion de ſon pere Hébert. Enfin, les Comtes de Meaux & de Troyes, ſes autres enfans, dont on va parler, poſſéderent auſſi de l’eſtime & de la confiance du Roi Lothaire. Ces raiſons ne décident de rien. Le ſupplice d’Hébert étoit trop mérité, pour qu’on en puiſſe dire qu’il n’ait pas eu lieu; & nos Rois étoient alors trop foibles, pour qu’ils aient pu empêcher les deſcendans de ce Seigneur, de lui ſuccéder dans ſes biens & ſes dignités, & leur aient refuſé les entrées & les diſtinƈtions de la Cour.
  Voilà le pour & le contre d’un fait affez important pour qu’il ſoit approſondi. Claude Emmeré a cru peut-être venger l’honneur de ſa patrie, en ſauvant de l’infamie un de ſes Comtes le plus diſtingué. Et pour y réussir, il a rejetté le témoignage poſitif de Glaber: il a interprêté le ſec récit de Frodoard, & a embraſſé ouvertement l’imagination trop raiſonnée d'Æmilius. Tout ce détail étoit inutile vis-à-vis d’une piece qui le détruit, & qui nous force à donner notre croyance aux auteurs qui ont écrit qu’Hébert II avoit été violemment défait par l’ordre de Louis.
  Hébert fut enterré, dit Frodoard, par ſes enfans, dans la ville de Saint-Quentin; cela eſt exaƈtement vrai: & ce fut dans la chapelle de Notre-Dame la Bon [Bonæ Dominæ]; c’eſt ce que cet écrivain n’a pas ajouté. Cette église très-ancienne, détruite en 1760, & confondue alors dans la ſacristie de la baſilique de ſaint Quentin dont elle étoit voiſine, est le lieu de la ſépulture de nos premiers Comtes. C’eſt dans ſon ſein qu’on peut croire qu’Hébert Ier & Pépin, les ancêtres d’Hébert II, ont été inhumés; car on n’enterroit pas encore communément dans les égliſes. Celle de ſaint Quentin, la plus conſidérable du lieu, ne pouvoit donc, ſelon l’uſage de ces temps, prêter une ſépulture à ces Seigneurs: il falloit cependant un endroit diſtingué pour y faire repoſer leurs cendres; mais au lieu de faire porter le cadavre du Comte dans le cimetiere commun de la ville, on aura jugé plus à propos de l’enterrer dans la chapelle dont on parle, laquelle alors étoit déjà en partie abandonnée. On n’éleva point de mauſolée ſur ſa tombe; la pratique de ces ornemens n’étoit pas encore généralement introduite en ces ſiécles. Mais ſur la foſſe même du Comte dont on finit l’hiſtoire, on poſa une pierre qui le repréſentoit avec une corde au cou. Claude Emmeré a été à portée de la voir mille fois, & s’il y eût porté les yeux, il en eût conclu ce que nous oſons affirmer, que la mort d’Hébert fut tragique & violente. 
This roughly translates as:
The Counts of Paris and Vermandois acknowledged Louis and pledged their allegiance to him in the presence of the King of Germany, the principal architect of this reconciliation.
  Hébert had just concluded a peace, one which he was never again permitted to break. His tumultuous and turbulent life came to an end in 943. If one is to believe Raoul, known as Glaber, and several other authors who may well have copied him, the Count of Vermandois met his end through a form of execution he had richly deserved. He was hanged upon the hill which, by virtue of this very circumstance, still bears the name of Hébert to this day; this hill is situated between the towns of Laon and Saint-Quentin. It was a fitting retribution, one with which Louis d’Outremer deemed it necessary to punish the tormentor and murderer of his own father, Charles the Simple; his own sworn and declared enemy, and the scourge of the entire surrounding region. Flodoard, a contemporary author, albeit one generally unfavorably disposed toward this Lord, simply records that, following his death, his children laid him to rest in the town of Saint-Quentin. Æmilius states the same, and vigorously refutes the popular rumor regarding Hébert’s gruesome demise, arguing on the sole grounds that the Count’s faction was far too powerful to have permitted the King to exact such a conspicuous act of vengeance upon this Lord with impunity. Moreover, his son Albert consistently enjoyed considerable influence at the court of Louis d’Outremer, under whose very eyes he inherited the vast estate of his father, Hébert. Finally, the Counts of Meaux and Troyes, his other children, of whom we shall speak shortly, likewise enjoyed the esteem and confidence of King Lothair. These arguments settle nothing. Hébert’s punishment was too well-deserved to allow for any claim that it never took place; and our Kings were, at that time, too weak to have been able to prevent the descendants of this Lord from succeeding him in his estates and dignities, or to have denied them access to, and distinctions within, the Court.
  Such are the arguments for and against a matter of sufficient importance to warrant thorough investigation. Claude Emmeré perhaps believed he was vindicating the honor of his homeland by saving one of its most distinguished Counts from infamy. To achieve this, he rejected the positive testimony of Glaber; he placed his own interpretation upon the terse account of Flodoard; and he openly embraced the overly rationalized conjecture of Æmilius. All this detailed argumentation was rendered futile by the existence of a document that refutes it, a document that compels us to place our credence in those authors who recorded that Hébert II was violently put to death by order of Louis.
  Hébert was buried, so states Flodoard, by his children in the city of Saint-Quentin; this is strictly accurate. The burial took place, specifically, in the chapel of Notre-Dame la Bon [Bonæ Dominæ]; a detail, however, that this writer failed to add. This venerable church, demolished in 1760 and subsequently incorporated into the sacristy of the basilica of saint Quentin, to which it stood adjacent, served as the burial ground for our earliest Counts. It is within its hallowed precincts that we may reasonably presume Hébert I and Pépin, the ancestors of Hébert II, to have been interred. For at that time, burial within churches was not yet a common practice. The church of saint Quentin, the most prominent in the locality, could not, therefore, in accordance with the customs of the era, provide a burial place for these noblemen. Nevertheless, a distinguished site was required in which to lay their remains to rest; yet, rather than having the Count’s body carried to the town’s common cemetery, it was deemed more fitting to inter him within the aforementioned chapel, a structure which, by then, had already fallen partly into disuse. No mausoleum was erected over his grave; indeed, the custom of adorning tombs with such monuments had not yet become generally established during those centuries. Instead, directly upon the grave of the Count,, whose story we now conclude—was laid a stone slab depicting him with a rope around his neck. Claude Emmeré had ample opportunity to view it a thousand times; and had he but cast his eyes upon it, he would have drawn the very conclusion we now venture to assert: that Hébert’s death was both tragic and violent.

Heribert's lands and inheritances were distributed amongst his sons in 946.
Flodoardi annales in Monumenta Germaniæ Historica SS 3 p393 (ed. G. H. Pertz, 1839)
  Anno 946 quidam motus inter filios Heriberti comitis agitantur pro hereditatum distributione suarum. Qui tamen, Hugone principe avunculo ipsorum mediante, pacantur, divisis sibi, prout eis competens visum est, rebus.
This roughly translates as:
In the year 946 certain movements were stirred up among the sons of count Heribert over the distribution of their inheritances. However, through the mediation of their uncle Prince Hugh, they were pacified, dividing their property among themselves as seemed appropriate.

Buried: in the Chapel of Notre-Dame (known as "La Bon"), in the monastery of Saint Quintin, Vermandois, France

Sources:

Heribert III

Father: Adalbert I

Mother: Gerberge of Lorraine
Gerberge was the daughter of Gerberge of Saxony (daughter of Heinrich I "der Vogelsteller") and Gislebert, duke of Lothangaria (see liudolf1.html)

Married: Ermengarde
See Mémoires pour l’histoire du Vermandois vol 1 p547 (Louis-Paul Colliette, 1771). See p558 for the date of her death, also Augusta Viromanduorum p105 (Claude Hémeré, 1643)

Children:
Occupation: Count of Vermandois and abbot of the monastery of Saint Quentin.

Notes:
This charter, created by Heribert III describing himself as abbot of the monastery of Saint Quentin and count, is also witnessed by his father, count Adalbert. The charter was likely created in 987 or 988, a transitional period in which Adalbert, who died shortly thereafter, had relinquished control of the county to Heribert. The charter is also witnessed by his son, Heribert and his wife Ermangarde.
Augusta Viromanduorum regestum veterum charta pp33-34 (Claude Hémeré, 1643)
Heriberti 3. Comitis Viroman. gratam habentis eleemoſynam Arpardi & Frideburgis collatam in Humolarienſ. viuente adhuc Alberto.  Ex archiuis eorumdem.
IN nom. S. & indiuid. Trinitatis P. & F. & & Sp. S. Ego HERIBERTVS gratia Dei, teſtis Chriſti Quintini Monaſterii Abbas, & Comes dictus … ſ. Adalberti Comitis manu ipſius faƈtum. ſ. Heriberti filii eius. ſ. Ermengardis vxoris eius. ſ. Odonis nepotis …
This roughly translates as:
Heribert 3. Count of Vermandois. having grateful alms of Arpard and Frideburg in Humolarie. Albert still living.  From the archives of the same.
In the name of the holy and indivisible Trinity, of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. I, Heribert, by the grace of God, witness of Christ, abbot and count of the monastery of Quentin, said. … Sign of Count Adalbert made by his own hand. Sign of Heribert his son. Sign of Ermengarde his wife. Sign of Odo his nephew.

Augusta Viromanduorum pp104-105 (Claude Hémeré, 1643)
  HERIBERTVS3. Alberto ſucceſſit in Comitatum Viromanduor. regimenque Monaſterij San-quintinienſis, pietatem & ipſe imitatus patris: qui & ſacras ædes beneficiis cumulatiſſime ditauerit, & in vicina cœnobia ſæpe ſeceſſerit præſertim vero in Humolarienſe, quo animum ab omni rerum terrenarum tumultu liberiorem orationi intenderet. vt eſt in eius charta. Vxorem Ermengardem naƈtus eſt, qui fuit cumulus domeſticæ felicitatis, ingenii ſibi, naturæq; conſonantis: cuius largæ & munificæ eleemoſynæ cum in Viromandiæ Monachos, vt leges in chartis Othonis. Tum etiam in Baſilicam maiorem San-quintini extiterunt: de quibus Noſtri in veteri Martyrol. ad 9. Maij. Eodem die obyt ERMENGARDIS Comitiſſa, qua dedit Eccleſia Couſtauillam. donauit eidem quoq; Eccleſiæ Heribertus Cinceniæum prædium. Regeſti pag. 25. & Stabulas. ad diera 30. Auguſti eiuſdem Necrologii.
This roughly translates as:
  HERIBERTUS 3 succeeded Albert to the County of Vermandois and the government of the Monastery of Saint Quentin, imitating the piety of his father: who also enriched the sacred house with benefactions in abundance, and in the neighboring monastery he often went to Humolariense, in order to free his mind from all the turmoil of earthly things and to concentrate on prayer. as is in his charter. He had a wife Ermengarde, who was the sum of domestic happiness, wit, and nature; consonant: whose large and generous alms were given to the Monks of Veromandois, as is the law in the charters of Otto. Then also the greater Basilica of Saint Quentin arose: of whom Our Lord in the old Martyrology on 9 May. On the same day dies ERMENGARDE, Countess, who gave Coutauilla to the Church. Heribert also gave to the same Church the estate of Cinceniæ. Regestrum page 25. & Stabulas. on the 30th of August, the same Obituary.

Louis-Paul Colliette names Heribert's wife and gives us the date of his death, citing the necrology of Saint Quentin
Mémoires pour l’histoire du Vermandois vol 1 pp547-548 (Louis-Paul Colliette, 1771)
  Hébert III ſon fils & ſon ſucceſſeur, élevé ſous les yeux de fes auguſtes parens, en avoit reçu les mêmes inclinations à toutes fortes de vertus. Comme eux, il honora les ſaints religieux voués à Dieu dans les monaſteres; comme eux, il les viſitoit fréquemment, & leur fit des donations très-avantageuses; comme eux, il aima ſur-tout, & par une préférence héréditaire, l’égliſe de ſaint Quentin, dont il porta le titre de Comte-Abbé. Il avoit épouſé Hermengarde. Cette digne Comteſſe mit le comble au bonheur d’Hébert. Avec une haute naiſſance & de grands biens qu’elle fit entrer dans la maiſon de ſon mari, elle lui apporta encore une ſympathie d’humeur & de tempérament la plus parfaite. Leurs liens, formés par le Ciel, donnerent aux deux époux des jours tranquilles & heureux.
  Un don des plus recommandables que fit Hébert III à l égliſe de ſaint Quentin, fut celui de la terre de Cincenny. Ce village eſt ſitué dans le diocese de Laon, affez près de la ville de Chauny. Les chanoines y acquirent le droit de mairie, en 1221. La deſtination de Cincenny étoit pour l’entretien du luminaire de leur temple. Le vieux nécrologe de leur égliſe nous apprend qu’Hébert lui avoit encore donné d’autres biens ſitués au village d’Eſtaves. . . . . IV calendas Septembris, obiit Heribertus comes qui dedit nobis Stabulas.
…  Outre les biens attachés à ſon comté, Hébert III en poſſédoit encore d’autres en 988. Ces derniers faiſoient, par leur collection, un comté qu’il appelle, dans une charte latine de cette année; Comitatus Otinenſis. S’ils ne lui étoient pas venus de la dot de ſon épouſe, on pourroit penſer qu’il les avoit acquis par la ceſſion de cette partie de terres de l’évêché de Verdun, que le Comte Geoffroy avoit tranſportées par ſon fils Adalberon, évêque de cette ville, à notre Comte, pour le prix de ſa délivrance, ainſi que nous l’avons raconté ſous l’an 986, no. 95.
This roughly translates as:
  Hébert III, his son and successor, raised under the watchful eyes of his illustrious parents, had inherited from them the same inclination toward every kind of virtue. Like them, he honored the holy religious men who had dedicated themselves to God within the monasteries; like them, he visited them frequently and bestowed upon them most generous donations; and like them, he loved above all, and with a hereditary preference, the Church of Saint Quentin, of which he bore the title of Count-Abbot. He had married Hermengarde. This worthy Countess crowned Hébert’s happiness. Possessing both noble lineage and substantial wealth, which she brought into her husband’s house, she further endowed him with a perfect harmony of temperament and disposition. Their bonds, forged in Heaven, granted the couple days of tranquility and happiness.
One of the most noteworthy gifts Hébert III bestowed upon the Church of Saint Quentin was the estate of Cincenny. This village is situated within the diocese of Laon, quite close to the town of Chauny. The canons acquired the rights of lordship over the village in 1221. The revenues from Cincenny were designated for the maintenance of the lighting within their church. The ancient necrology of their church informs us that Hébert had also granted them other properties located in the village of Estaves . . . . On the 4th day before the calends of September [29 August], count Heribert, who gave us the Stables, died.
…  In addition to the estates attached to his county, Hébert III possessed other holdings as well in 988. Collectively, these latter properties constituted a county—which he refers to, in a Latin charter of that same year, as the County Otini. Had these lands not come to him as part of his wife’s dowry, one might surmise that he had acquired them through the cession of that portion of the lands belonging to the Bishopric of Verdun, lands which Count Godfrey had transferred, through his son Adalberon (the Bishop of that city), to our Count as the price of his own release, as we recounted under the year 986, no. 95.
p556
  Hébert III ſut ſe faire redouter. Si nous ne voyons pas qu’il ait eu de guerre avec ſes voiſins, autre que l’Evêque de Cambrai, c’eſt ſans doute parce que l’amour de ce Comte pour la paix le retenoit dans le devoir, & que ſes ennemis étoient très-perſuadés que cet amour ne partoit pas d’un principe de foibleſſe ou de puſillanimité, & que nul guerrier n’eſt plus terrible que le pacifique qu’une juſte indignation a armé. Roger, évêque de Beauvais, vint ſe mettre ſous la garde du Comte de Vermandois, & crut, à l’ombre de ſa proteƈtion, n’avoir rien à appréhender de ſes ennemis. Hébert la lui accorda volontiers. C’eſt lors de ce refuge que ce Prélat partagea, en faveur d’Othon le fils de ce Seigneur, la vicomté de Monchy, dont il donna l’autre moitié à ſon égliſe de ſaint Pierre de Beauvais en 1022.    
This roughly translates as:
  Hébert III knew how to make himself feared. If we find no record of his having waged war against his neighbors, save for the Bishop of Cambrai, it is doubtless because this Count’s love of peace kept him steadfast in his duty, and because his enemies were firmly convinced that this love did not stem from any principle of weakness or pusillanimity, but rather from the truth that no warrior is more formidable than the man of peace whom righteous indignation has driven to arms. Roger, Bishop of Beauvais, sought refuge under the guardianship of the Count of Vermandois, trusting that, beneath the shelter of his protection, he would have nothing to fear from his enemies. Hébert willingly granted him this sanctuary. It was during this period of refuge that the Prelate partitioned the Viscounty of Monchy, granting a share to Otho, the Count’s son, while bestowing the remaining half upon his own church of saint Peter of Beauvais, in the year 1022.
p558
  Othon étoit le ſecond des trois enfans d’Hébert III & d’Hermengarde; leur troiſieme fut Gui. Nous croyons, contre le ſentiment d’un historien de Soiſſons, qu’on doit l’attribuer à Hébert III, plutôt qu’à Albert Ier. … Albert IIe du nom, qui ſuccéda immédiatement à ſon pere Hébert III, étoit donc le premier de ſes enfans. Hébert III mourut le vingt-neuvieme jour du mois d’Août, felon l’ancien nécrologe de ſaint Quentin. C’étoit sans doute en l’année 1014, au plus tard; car il eſt conſtant par la charte (27) qu’Albert II accorda le premier de Février de l’an 1015, en faveur de l’abbaye de ſaint Prix, que ce dernier Comte gouvernoit déjà le Vermandois. La Comteſſe Hermengarde ne mourut qu’après l’an 1035. Nous la voyons encore ſous-ſignée dans une charte qu’on rapportera ſous cette année-là. Le même nécrologe de l’église de ſaint Quentin place ſon décès au neuvieme jour de Mai. . . . .  Eâdem die (IX Maii) obiit Hermengardis Comitiſſa quæ dedit eccleſiæ Couſtavillam.     
This roughly translates as:
  Otho was the second of the three children of Herbert III and Ermengarde; their third child was Guy. Contrary to the opinion of a historian from Soissons, we believe that he should be attributed to Herbert III rather than to Albert I. … Albert II, the second of that name, who immediately succeeded his father Herbert III, was therefore the eldest of his children. Herbert III died on the twenty-ninth day of August, according to the ancient necrology of Saint-Quentin. This occurred undoubtedly in the year 1014, at the very latest; for it is established by the charter (27) which Albert II granted on the first of February, 1015, in favor of the Abbey of Saint-Prix, that the latter Count was already governing Vermandois. Countess Ermengarde did not die until after the year 1035. We find her name still affixed to a charter that will be cited under that specific year. The same necrology of the Church of Saint-Quentin places her death on the ninth day of May. . . . . On the same day (May 9th), Countess Ermengarde died; she was the one who gave Coustaville to the Church.

The Encyclopaedia Britannica is dismissive of Heribert III's relevance.
The Encyclopaedia Britannica 11th edition vol 27 p1024 (ed. Hugh Chisholm, 1911)
  VERMANDOIS. … Albert I., Herbert III., Albert II., Otto and Herbert IV., were unimportant.

Death: 29 August 1014

Sources:

Heribert IV

Father: Othon
 
Mother: Pavia

Married: Adele of Valois
See Mémoires pour l’histoire du Vermandois vol 1 p624 (Louis-Paul Colliette, 1771) for her father and discussion of which of her father's wives was her mother

Children:
De Genere Comitum Flandrensium, Notae Parisienses in Monumenta Germaniae Historica SS 13 p257 (1881)
  Comes Herbertus3 genuit Odonem et Adelam sororem. Odo fuit fatuus et indiscretus. Barones Viromandenses rogaverunt regem, ut Adelam daret Hugoni le Magne, fratri eiusdem regis; quod factum est.
3) Viromandensis.
This roughly translates as:
  Count Herbert3 fathered Odo and his sister Adela. Odo was insane and rash. The barons of Vermandois asked the king to give Adela to Hugh the Great, the brother of the same king; which was done.
3) Vermandois.

Occupation: Count of Vermandois and count of Valois
Heribert succeeded to Vermandois after the death of his father in 1045, and then became count of Valois in right of his wife, Adele, after their marriage in 1077.

Notes:
Heribert IV was a regional aristocrat in Northern France and the last male-line ruler of the Carolingian dynasty. His tenure was characterized by the consolidation of the territories of Vermandois and Valois and the eventual transfer of these lands to the Capetian royal house through the marriage of his daughter. He was a member of the Herbertian branch of the Carolingian family, descending from Bernard of Italy, a grandson of Charlemagne. By the mid-11th century, the Herbertians were the only branch of the dynasty still holding a sovereign county in France.
  Heribert succeeded his father, Otto of Vermandois, in 1045. His early reign was occupied with maintaining the administrative integrity of the county of Vermandois, centered on the fortress of Saint-Quentin. The most notable territorial change during Herbert's rule occurred in 1077. He had married Adela of Valois, the daughter of Raoul IV of Vexin. When his brother-in-law, Simon of Crépy, abdicated his secular titles to enter a monastery, Heribert claimed the county of Valois jure uxoris (in right of his wife). This acquisition significantly expanded his jurisdiction into the Vexin and Amiénois regions, making him a major landholder in Picardy. However, this expansion also brought him into closer administrative and legal contact with the Capetian kings of France, who sought to limit the independence of such powerful border territories.
  Heribert's later years were marked by a break in traditional primogeniture. He had two children: Odo, his only son and legal heir and a daughter, Adelaide. According to contemporary accounts and subsequent legal actions, Odo was judged mentally unfit to manage the county, so Heribert bypassed Odo in the succession, favoring his daughter Adelaide. To ensure the security of the inheritance against neighboring rivals, Heribert arranged for Adelaide to marry Hugh the Great, the younger son of king Henry I of France.
  Heribert IV died around 1081 and control of the Vermandois and Valois territories passed to Hugh through his marriage to Adelaide. Odo was formally disinherited by the barons of the county following Heribert's death, later receiving only small estates under the guardianship of his sister and brother-in-law.

Five of Heribert's charters are printed in Augusta Viromanduorum regestum veterum charta pp36-39 (Claude Hémeré, 1643). The first of these, dated 1047, is in his capacity as abbot and rector of the monastery of Saint Quentin although he does sign it as "abbot and count". The remaining charters are dated 1075 and 1076 in which he styles himself as count of Vermandois. In one, he mentions his forefather, Adalbert ("prædeceſſor noſter ALBERTVS", and in another, transcribed below, he names his mother, father and paternal grandmother.
Augusta Viromanduorum regestum veterum charta pp38-39 (Claude Hémeré, 1643)
  Eiuſdem, confirmantis eleemoſynam Othonis patris & Ermengardis auiæ in Humolarienſ. Charta ciuſdem loci.
IN nomine S. & indi Trini Ego Comes HERIBERTVS, materque mea Pauia fidelibus noſtris præſentibus abſentibſsque notum fieri volumus, quod Pater meus Oтнo, eius genitrix auia mea Ermengardis in villa quæ Brenoſt appellatur quoddam ſibi allodium collato emerunt pretio illud ſibi diſtrahente quodam villæ eiuſdem, homine Ernoldo: huius ſiquidem alodii parte non longo poſt tempore auia mea dono dedit B. Mariæ Dei genitrici pro remedio animæ ſuæ, præſente VValeranno, omnique ſibi commiſſa congregatione fratrum. Meus autem Pater ſimiliter, ſua tantum ſibi viuenti retenta, poſt diſceſſum vero eius in poteſtatem Monachorum penitus tranſitura, eiſque perpetualiter manſura. Illoque iudicio Dei prævento, nobiſque ſubtraƈto omni bonæ voluntatis aſſenſu approbamus votum quod vita plenus voluntariè vouit Deo. Et illam conuentionem quam de præfato prædio habuit Abbati & Monachis cius ſtabilem firmamque Eccleſiæ eſſe iubemus. Et ne forte quod abſit ab hac die & deinceps res conceſſa Eccleſiæ aliquam calamitatem poſſit pati, donationem eiuſdem beneficii contra poſterorum infidias munimus noſtri authoritate ſcripti: quippe non ſine multorum teſtimonio, quorum diuerſa nomina teſtatur præſens adnotatio. Qui interfuerunt & laudauerunt. Odo miles. Ioſcelinus Canonicus fratris mei. Robertus Peronenſis. VValzelinus Calniacenſis, VValierus pedagogus meus. Ex parte autem Abbatis Rainardus maior Humolatienſ. Rogerus maior Merulficurtis. Ioannes maior de Fraxiniaco, & multi alii fideles noſtri. Sine data. 
This roughly translates as:
  The same, confirming the alms of Otho father and Ermengarde grandmother in Humolarie. Charter of the same place.
IN the name of the Holy Trinity, I, Count HERIBERTVS, and my mother Pauia, wish to make known to our faithful present and absent, that my father Otho, his mother my grandmother Ermengarde, in the village called Brenost, having collected a certain allotment there, bought it at a price, while a certain man of the same village, Ernold, was there, and not long afterwards my grandmother gave part of this allotment as a gift to the Blessed Virgin Mary, the mother of God, for the healing of her soul, in the presence of Waleranno, and all the congregation of brothers there. But my Father, in like manner, retained only his while he lived there, but his inheritance will pass entirely into the power of the monks, and will remain with him perpetually. And with that judgment of God prevented, and with all the assent of good will withdrawn from us, we approve the vow which he voluntarily vowed to God, full of life. And we order that the agreement which he had of the aforesaid estate to the Abbot and the monks here be stable and firm for the Church. And lest perhaps, from this day and henceforth, the thing granted to the Church may suffer some calamity, we secure the gift of the same benefit against the treachery of posterity by our written authority: indeed not without the testimony of many, whose various names are attested in the present note. Who were present and praised. Odo the knight. Joscelinus Canon, my brother. Robert of Peronne. Walzelinus of Calnia, Walierus my teacher. But on the part of the Abbot, Rainard mayor of Humolatien. Roger mayor of Merulficurtis. John mayor of Fraxiniaco, and many other of our faithful. Without date.

Louis-Paul Colliette tells us of Heribert's family, the visit of the French king Henri I to Vermandois, how Heribert is credited with codifying the laws and ordinances in Vermandois, with such success that the practice was copied in neighbouring counties and principalities, and about the disinheritance of Heribert's son, Eudes, in favour of his daughter, Adelaide.
Mémoires pour l’histoire du Vermandois vol 1 p623 (Louis-Paul Colliette, 1771)
  Le ſeizieme Comte-Abbé de Saint-Quentin fut Hébert IV, Ce Seigneur, deſcendant de Pépin IV, & le dernier Comte de Vermandois de ſa race, prit les rênes du gouvernement de cette province après la mort d’Othon ſon pere. Il épousa Adéle, que d’autres nomment Hildébrante, fille de Raoul II [aliàs Raoul III] comte de Crépy en Valois, & ſeigneur de pluſieurs autres villes, châteaux & comtés. Comes Criſpeius, Creſpienſis, Creſpeïcus, Vadenſis.
This roughly translates as:
  The sixteenth Count-Abbot of Saint-Quentin was Herbert IV. This nobleman, a descendant of Pepin IV, and the last Count of Vermandois of his line, assumed the reins of government of this province following the death of his father, Otto. He married Adela, whom others call Hildebranda, the daughter of Ralph II [alias Ralph III], count of Crépy and Valois, and lord of several other towns, castles, and counties. Count Crispeius, Crespensis, Crespeïcus, Vadensis.
pp625-626
  Parmi les excellentes qualités qui brillerent en Hébert IV, ſon inſigne piété envers les Saints le rendit infiniment illuſtre. La collégiale des chanoines de la ville de Roye, au diocese d’Amiens, que ce Comte a fondée & dotée, conjointement avec ſon épouſe, célébrera à jamais la générosité de ce couple fidele.
…  L’attachement d’Hébert IV à la perſonne ſacrée de nos Rois, éclata ſur-tout par les ſoumiſſions que ce Comte témoigna à Henri Ier. Soit que ce Roi, en revenant de la conférence qu’il avoit eue à Metz avec l’Empereur, & en laquelle Hébert l’avoit peut-être accompagné, eût pris ſans deſſein ſa route par le Vermandois; ſoit que ce Prince en fût venu viſiter le Comte ſur l’humble invitation qu’il lui en auroit faite, il eſt prouvé qu’en cette année Henri l’honora de ſa préſence, & qu’il paſſa, avec toute ſa Cour, quelques jours en la ville de Saint-Quentin, chez Hébert IV. Il en fut reçu dans ſon palais avec toutes les démonſtrations du reſpeƈt le plus ſincere & le plus dévoué à la Majeſté Royale. Hébert ſe dévêtit devant ſon Prince de toute ſon autorité; la lui remit, & ne ſembla la reprendre des mains de ſon Souverain qu’après qu’il fut parti de la capitale de ſon comté. Tel fut l’hommage le plus parfait que le plus reſpeƈtueux Seigneur rendit jamais à nos Rois.
  La présence du Roi Henri dans le Vermandois, fut la ſource de mille graces pour les églises de ce comté. Il ne ceſſa de les orner & enrichir pendant tout le temps qu’il daigna reſter dans le palais d’Hébert.
This roughly translates as:
  Among the excellent qualities that shone forth in Hébert IV, his signal piety toward the Saints rendered him infinitely illustrious. The collegiate church of canons in the town of Roye, situated in the diocese of Amiens, which this Count founded and endowed jointly with his wife, shall forever celebrate the generosity of this faithful couple.
…  Hébert IV’s attachment to the sacred person of our Kings was manifested above all through the acts of submission this Count demonstrated toward Henry I. Whether the King, upon returning from the conference he had held in Metz with the Emperor (a meeting to which Hébert may perhaps have accompanied him), had taken his route through Vermandois quite by chance; or whether the Prince had come specifically to visit the Count following a humble invitation extended by the latter; it is a matter of record that, in that year, Henry honored him with his presence and spent, together with his entire Court, several days in the town of Saint-Quentin, as the guest of Hébert IV. He was received in the Count’s palace with every demonstration of the most sincere and devoted respect for Royal Majesty. In the presence of his Prince, Hébert divested himself of all his authority; he surrendered it to the King, and appeared to reclaim it from his Sovereign’s hands only after the latter had departed from the capital of his county. Such was the most perfect homage that the most respectful of lords ever rendered to our Kings.
  King Henry’s presence in Vermandois proved to be the source of a thousand favors for the churches of that county. He ceased not to adorn and enrich them throughout the entire time he deigned to remain within Hébert’s palace.
pp655-657
Le peuple, devenu libre, demanda des loix: car les uſages & les coutumes, qu’une loi conſtante & publique n’a point rédigés, expoſent les habitans des lieux à des interprétations incertaines, qui deviennent pour eux la ſource d’une infinité de querelles & d’altercations. Les juges & les peuples, qu’un droit fixe ne conduit pas, varient auſſi ſouvent dans leurs déciſions. Il faut donc, pour borner l’aveugle paſſion des ſujets, leur préſenter, comme dans un tableau, la regle qu’ils doivent écouter & ſuivre; &, pour empêcher les Juges de trébucher, & de rendre la juſtice arbitraire, il convient de leur mettre en main un code qui les éclaire, & leur donne le principe des oracles ſuivis qu’ils doivent prononcer. Ce fut pour procurer ces avantages à ſes ſujets & à leurs juges, qu’Hébert IV fit dreſſer un recueil de loix & d’ordonnances. Elles regardoient également la ville capitale & les autres peuples répandus dans ſon comté. Tous devoient s’en rapporter à la teneur du code pour le réglement des conteſtations qui pouvoient ſurvenir entr’eux. Ainſi firent les autres Seigneurs dans leurs principautés: & de là eſt venue cette multitude de coutumes que l’on voit encore aujourd’hui dans les villes, les bourgades, & même dans les villages.
…  Hébert IV a la gloire d’être cet heureux & ſage légiſlateur, qui, par des regles certaines & conſtantes que ſa prudence avoit diƈtées, & que ſon autorité avoit confirmées, a ſu défendre les corps & les biens de ſes vaſſaux contre la malignité & l’envie, pires que la ſervitude qu’ils venoient de quitter. Ce ſont ces décrets qui forment le fond & l’essence des us & des pratiques renfermés dans ce que nous appellons à préſent le coutumier de la province de Vermandois. Ces décrets parurent ſi équitables & ſi ſages, qu’ils furent adoptés dès ces temps par les habitans des provinces voiſines & qu’ils devinrent la regle générale de leur conduite dans les cas où l’usage & les conventions particulieres des lieux n’étoient pas contraires. De là vint l’empire de la coutume de Vermandois dans la Thiérache, le Laonnois, le Rémois, le Soiſſonnois, le Valois, le Beauvaiſis, le Noyonnois & l’Amiénois. Ainſi le Vermandois & les provinces voiſines furent inſtruites & rendues heureuſes par la prudence & les ſages conſeils d’Hébert IV. C’eſt par cette raiſon que quelques écrivains ont fait honneur, quoiqu’à tort, à ce Seigneur de l’établissement primordial de la Commune de Saint-Quentin. Nous n’avons pas ces loix & ces paƈtions même, telles qu’elles furent prononçées par ce nouveau Solon; mais nous en avons la ſubſtance & le précis dans la charte de Philippe-Auguste qui voulut bien les rédiger encore, & les confirmer par ſon autorité royale.
…  On ne fait pas la date de la mort d’Hébert IV, qui paroît être de vers 1081. Mais, long temps avant ſon dernier jour, ce Seigneur avoit réglé la ſucceſſion de ſes biens dans ſa famille, & ſes aumônes en faveur des pauvres & des églises. Une charte de l’abbaye de Vermand … à laquelle étoit attaché un ſcel, à forme ronde, repréſentant au milieu un échiquier, entouré de quatre armoiries qui figurent des fleurs de lys ſans nombre, trois bandes & trois chevrons, avec quelques lettres grécaniſées: cette charte, diſons-nous, nous apprend les dernieres diſpoſitions ordonnées par le Comte de Vermandois. On peut la regarder vraiment comme ſon testament.
  Et pour ne parler ici que de ce qui concerne la famille d’Hébert IV, il avoit eu de ſon épouſe un fils & une fille, Eudes & Adéle. Soit que la nature, défavorable à cet aîné, l’eut maltraité, même dans le corps, … ſoit que la même nature, l’eut privé encore de la force d’eſprit & de raiſon qui eſt nécessaire dans un chef des peuples, (quelques hiſtoriens l’ont rapporté, & l’ont pour cela ſurnommé l’Inſenſe,) ſoit que l’envie, avide de ſes immenſes poſſeſſions, eut conſpiré contre ſon bonheur & ſes droits les plus légitimes, (cette paſſion ne fut-elle pas de tous les temps?) ſoit que le jeune Eudes eut nourri toutes ſes préventions déjà ſi oppoſées à ſes vrais intérêts, par une conduite irréguliere & rébelle aux ſages avis & aux ordres de ſon pere, (l’acte cité en fait foi,) ſoit enfin, comme l’ont ajouté quelques écrivains, que les principaux Feudataires ou Barons des Comtes de Vermandois, las de porter le joug impérieux d’une maiſon trop puiſſante, souvent ennemie de ſes Rois, & devenue trop redoutable, euſſent engagé Philippe Ier à faire paſſer ſur la tête de ſon frere les titres & les biens de cette famille réunie à celle de Valois, Eudes avoit été déclaré inepte à gouverner les ſujets que ſon pere lui devoit laiſſer. Dès avant ſon teſtament de 1059, Hébert avoit fait cette diſpoſition; il ne fit que la réitérer dans cet inſtrument, parce que l’obstination de ſon fils dans le mal étoit trop perſévérante. Que ſavons-nous auſſi ſi l’alliance qu’Eudes l’Inſenſé avoit contraƈtée depuis long-temps, n’avoit pas été un de ces motifs puiſſans qui indiſpoſent irréconciliablement des parens contre leurs enfans? Car les écrivains anciens ne ſe ſont pas affez clairement expliqués ſur les vraies cauſes d’une exhérédation la plus marquée, qui soit dans l’hiſtoire.
This roughly translates as:
The people, having gained their freedom, demanded laws; for usages and customs—which have not been codified by a constant and public law—expose the inhabitants of a region to uncertain interpretations, which become for them the source of an infinity of quarrels and altercations. Judges and the populace alike, when not guided by a fixed body of law, vary just as frequently in their decisions. It is therefore necessary—in order to curb the blind passions of the subjects—to present to them, as if in a painting, the rule they must heed and follow; and—to prevent judges from stumbling and from rendering justice arbitrary—it is fitting to place in their hands a code that enlightens them and provides the guiding principles for the authoritative rulings they are called upon to pronounce. It was to secure these advantages for his subjects and their judges that Hébert IV commissioned the compilation of a collection of laws and ordinances. These applied equally to the capital city and to the other communities scattered throughout his county. All were required to defer to the tenor of this code for the settlement of any disputes that might arise among them. The other lords followed suit within their own principalities; and from this practice arose that multitude of customs still to be found today in cities, market towns, and even villages.
… Hébert IV holds the distinction of being that fortunate and wise legislator who—through certain and constant rules dictated by his prudence and confirmed by his authority—knew how to defend the persons and property of his vassals against malice and envy, forces even worse than the servitude they had just cast off. It is these decrees that form the foundation and essence of the customs and practices contained within what we now call the customary law of the province of Vermandois. These decrees appeared so equitable and wise that, even in those early times, they were adopted by the inhabitants of neighboring provinces and became the general rule of their conduct in cases where local usage and specific agreements did not dictate otherwise. From this stemmed the dominion of the custom of Vermandois throughout Thiérache, Laonnois, Rémois, Soissonnais, Valois, Beauvaisis, Noyonnais, and Amiénois. Thus, Vermandois and its neighboring provinces were enlightened and rendered prosperous through the prudence and wise counsel of Hébert IV. It is for this reason—albeit erroneously—that some writers have credited this Lord with the primordial establishment of the Commune of Saint-Quentin. We do not possess these specific laws and covenants exactly as they were promulgated by this "new Solon"; yet we retain their substance and summary in the charter of Philip Augustus, who saw fit to codify them once again and confirm them by his royal authority.
…  The exact date of Herbert IV’s death remains undetermined, though it appears to have occurred around 1081. However, long before his final day, this Lord had settled the succession of his estates within his family, as well as his charitable bequests to the poor and to the Church. A charter from the Abbey of Vermand … bears an attached seal of circular form. At its center, this seal depicts a chessboard motif, encircled by four escutcheons displaying a profusion of fleurs-de-lis, three bands, and three chevrons, alongside several stylized Greek letters; this charter, we say, reveals to us the final dispositions ordained by the Count of Vermandois. It may truly be regarded as his last will and testament.
  And, to speak here solely of matters concerning Herbert IV’s immediate family, he had, by his wife, a son and a daughter: Odo and Adele. Whether Nature, unkind to this eldest son, had dealt with him harshly, even physically … whether that same Nature had further deprived him of the strength of mind and reason requisite in a leader of men (as some historians have reported, thereby dubbing him "the Insane") … whether Envy, coveting his immense possessions, had conspired against his happiness and his most legitimate rights (for has not this passion existed in all ages?), whether the young Eudes had fueled all these prejudices, already so inimical to his true interests, through a course of conduct irregular and rebellious against his father’s wise counsel and commands (as the cited document attests), or whether, finally, as some writers have added, the principal Feudatories or Barons of the Counts of Vermandois, weary of bearing the imperious yoke of a house grown too powerful (and often hostile to its Kings), had prevailed upon Philip I to transfer the titles and estates of this family, now united with that of Valois, onto the head of his brother: whatever the cause, Eudes had been declared unfit to govern the subjects his father was otherwise bound to bequeath to him. Even prior to his testament of 1059, Herbert had enacted this provision; in this later instrument, he merely reiterated it, for his son’s obstinacy in wrongdoing had proven all too unyielding. Moreover, how are we to know whether the alliance that Eudes the Madman had long since contracted was not one of those powerful motives that irreconcilably alienate parents from their children? For ancient writers have not explained themselves with sufficient clarity regarding the true causes of what remains one of the most striking cases of disinheritance in all of history.
p674
  L’expulſion d’Eudes du Comté de Vermandois, ſit tomber ſur ſa ſœur Adéle l’opulente ſucceſſion d’Hébert IV & d’Adéle de Crépy, leurs parens communs. Cette tranſportation fut jugée & approuvée par les principaux Seigneurs de leurs provinces; & le Roi Philippe Ier en confirma, par son autorité ſuprême, le décret. Ce Prince favoriſoit en cela même ſenſiblement ſon frere Hugues, auquel la Comteſſe de Vermandois portoit ſes biens & ſes dignités, par une ſuite de l’alliance qu’elle avoit contraƈtée avec lui.
This roughly translates as:
  The expulsion of Odo from the County of Vermandois caused the opulent inheritance of Herbert IV and Adele of Crépy—their common kinsfolk—to devolve upon his sister, Adele. This transfer was adjudicated and approved by the principal lords of their provinces, and King Philip I, by virtue of his supreme authority, confirmed the decree. In doing so, the King significantly favored his own brother, Hugh, upon whom the Countess of Vermandois bestowed her estates and dignities as a consequence of the alliance she had contracted with him.

The Encyclopaedia Britannica is dismissive of Heribert's relevance.
The Encyclopaedia Britannica 11th edition vol 27 p1024 (ed. Hugh Chisholm, 1911)
  VERMANDOIS. … Albert I., Herbert III., Albert II., Otto and Herbert IV., were unimportant. In 1077 the last male of the first house of Vermandois, Herbert IV., received the countship of Valois in right of his wife. He died soon afterwards, leaving his inheritance to his daughter Adela, whose first husband was Hugh the Great, the brother of king Philip I.

Death: 1081

Burial: Church of San Quentin, county of Vermandois, France
This was requested in Heribert's will.

Will:
This testamentary document, is dated 1059. In it, he names his wife, "Alida", and his children Eudon and Alida.
Histoire de l'Abbaye Notre-Dame de Vermand pp10-14 (Georges Lecocq, 1875)
Dans l’intervalle (1059), Herbert IV légua à l’abbaye des biens nombreux, en une charte que l’on peut considérer, à juste titre, comme son testament; voici ce document important:
  Jesu Christo Domino nostro in cœlis triumphante, cum æterno patre et spiritu sancto: Nicolao papâ nostro sanctissimo in terris Ecclesiam gubernante: Henrico Augusto in Alemaniis imperante: Henrico rege nostro adhuc gloriose in Galliis regnante: ejusdemque Domini nostri anno millesimo-quinquagesima nono, Ego Herbertus Vermandensium et Vadascorum comes, videns labilis hujus mansionis instabilitatem, spe ad supernæ beatitudinis immortalitatem inhians, ut amplior mihi portio detur in terrâ viventium; constans sanâ mente, sanoque consilio, et de consultu Alidæ conjugis meæ carissimæ, testamentum meum condidi, jure Prœtorio, atque illud codicillorum vice valere jubeo, si ei juris aliquid defuisse videbitur. Ego igitur Herbertus, quamprimùm de hâc luce transiero, quia voce Dei cœlestia pro terrenis et mansura pro caducis promissa sunt: do Ecclesiæ Sancti Quintini, cujus advocatiam habeo et in quâ corpus meum (si ita clarissimæ uxori meæ placuerit) subterrabitur cum pompå solemni, mansionalia mea apud Attos et Dalonias, cum Ochis, Arpiniis, Forestagiis et Pascuaticis, tam pro salute animæ meæ, quam præpotentissimorum progenitorum meorum, hic, et alibi quiescentium. Dono insuper Ecclesiæ Vermandensi, cujus et advocatiam habeo, mansos quatuor apud Berticortem, Martisvillam et Spechias, cum huobis, areis, plaustris et aratris ab his dependentibus. Et ut Deus omnipotens promptiùs me a peccatorum meorum ligaminibus absolvat ex his quæ mihi Christus donavit jure hæreditario, ipsis Ecclesiis sub meo dominio fundatis, unicuique centum solidos post obitûs mei adrumationem enumerari volo: eâ lege ut eæ communiter et privatim religiosissimè apud Deum pro nobis interveniant. Ecclesiis autem quas speciali amore diligo, delego ex superabundanti liberalitate quæ sequuntur: videlicet, Ecclesiæ sancti Arnulfi in Cripeïo mansum unum cum appendiciis juxtà dictam ecclesiam et centum solidos. Ecclesiæ itidem sancti Albini centum solidos. Ecclesiæ Nantogili, in Foresto de Gombriis et Peis arpentas duas. Ecclesiæ de Calniaco, ubi multa alia bona prius dederam ac procuraveram, do mansa mea apud Terignias ac Flavias, Ecclesiæ de Vivario, ubi castrum habeo in forestis meis contiguis, huobam unam. Ecclesiæ Firmitati in honore sancti Sebastiani, arpentam unam in foresto Resti. Ecclesiæ de Bistisiaco centum solidos. Ecclesiæ de Ferâ apud Montignias absus tres cum areâ. Ecclesiæ Montis Nostræ-Dominæ huobam unam in foresto Dulâ. Ecclesiæ Peronensis, apud Busuos et Terincortem mansiones quatuor cum mancipiis. Ecclesiæ Cameracensi centum solidos. Ecclesiæ sancti Petri ibidem absus quinque apud Goïacum. Ecclesiæ sancti Vedasti Atrebatensis tria managia apud Hanecortem. Item, trado omnibus comitatuum meorum parochiis unicuique centum solidos. Do deindè Ecclesiæ sancti Quintini et Vermandensi vasa argentea vigenti, patinas duas, candelabra quatuor, duo aurea ac duo eburnea; calices, offertorios, duo thuribula, cruces, urceolos, conchas, culatras et cervicalia, ac cuncta mea altarium ornamenta atque armaturam meam militarem. Has autem donationes integre statim post obitum volo esse firmatas ac traditas. Ne vero quis hæredum huic meæ ultimæ voluntati contradicere præsumat, coram me advocari jussi filium meum Eudonem quem diù consilio et bene placito meo rebellem, Magnatum interventu, paulo ante in gratiam receperam; qui tandem meæ voci obediens adstantibus filiis suis, Eudone, Elebando et Sohiro, dixit et promisit se cum suis nihil unquam contra has elemosynas tentaturum. Idemque promisit Alida sponsa mea cujus nutui ac dispositioni omnia cœtera bona mea anteà ex amore per codicillum reliqueram. Ad hæc etiam annuit Alida filia mea dilectissima. Maledictus ergo sit qui hæc violare præsumpserit. In hujus donationis et facti veritatem, hanc cartam propriâ manu subtùs signavi et laterculi mei tesserarii impressione corroborari præcepi. Actum in palatio meo feliciter. Amen.
  Airius, cancellarius, scripsi et relegi.
This roughly translates as:
In the interim (1059), Herbert IV bequeathed numerous properties to the abbey in a charter that may rightly be regarded as his testament; here is this important document:
  Jesus Christ our Lord triumphant in heaven, with the eternal Father and the Holy Spirit: Nicholas our most holy Pope governing the Church on earth: Henry Augustus ruling in the Alemanni: Henry our King still gloriously reigning in Gaul: and in the year of the same Lord one thousand and fifty-nine, I Herbert, Count of Vermandois and Vadas, seeing the instability of this unstable mansion, yearning with hope for the immortality of heavenly bliss, that a larger portion may be given to me in the land of the living; being of sound mind, sound counsel, and with the advice of my dearest wife Alida, I have made my will, by Praetorian law, and I command that it be valid in lieu of codicils, if it should appear that any right has been lacking in it. I, therefore, Herbert, as soon as I pass from this light, because by the voice of God a heavenly for earthly and an eternal for transitory things have been promised: I give to the Church of Saint Quintin, of which I have the advowson and in which my body (if it pleases my most illustrious wife) will be buried with solemn pomp, my mansions at Attos and Dalonias, with Ochis, Arpiniis, Forestagii and Pascuatici, both for the salvation of my soul and that of my most powerful ancestors, who rest here and elsewhere. I also give to the Church of Vermand, of which I also have the advowson, four mansions at Berticorte, Martisville and Spechias, with the hovels, threshing floors, carts and ploughs depending on them. And that God Almighty may more readily absolve me from the bonds of my sins, from those which Christ has given me by hereditary right, I desire that after my death the Churches founded under my dominion, each one hundred solidi be listed: by this law that they may intercede with God for us in common and private with the greatest piety before God. But to the Churches which I love with special love, I choose out of superabundant liberality the following: namely, to the Church of Saint Arnulf in Cripeio one manse with the appendages next to the said church and one hundred solidi. To the Church of Saint Albinus likewise one hundred solidi. To the Church of Nantogil, two arpents [~acres] in the Forest of Gombrieis and Peis. To the Church of Calniaco, where I had previously given and procured many other goods, I give my manses near Terignias and Flavias, to the Church of Vivario, where I have a castle in my adjoining forests, one hide. To the Church of Firmitati in honor of Saint Sebastian, one arpent in the forest of Resti. To the Church of Bistisiaco one hundred solidi. To the Church of Fera at Montignias three apses with an area. To the Church of Mont Nostra-Dominae one hut in the forest of Dula. To the Church of Peronensis, four mansions with servants at Busuo and Terincorte. To the Church of Cameracensi one hundred solidi. To the Church of Saint Peter there five apses at Goiaco. To the Church of Saint Vedasti of Atrebate three manages at Hanecort. Likewise, I give to all the parishes of my counties one hundred solidi each. I then give to the Church of Saint Quintin and Vermandense silver vessels in force, two platters, four candelabra, two gold and two ivory; chalices, offertories, two thuribles, crosses, urns, shells, cuirass and headscarves, and all my altar ornaments and my military armor. But I want these donations to be confirmed and handed over in their entirety immediately after my death. Lest any heir presume to contradict this last will of mine, I have ordered my son Eudon to be summoned before me, whom I had received into favor a little while before, by divine counsel and with my good pleasure, a rebel, through the intervention of Magnatus; who at length obeyed my voice, with his sons, Eudon, Elebandus, and Sohirus, present, and promised that he and his family would never attempt anything against these alms. My spouse Alida, to whose will and disposition I had previously left all my other goods out of love by codicil, promised the same. My most beloved daughter Alida also agreed to this. Cursed therefore be he who shall presume to violate these. In truth of this gift and deed, I have signed this charter with my own hand underneath and ordered it to be confirmed by the impression of my small token. It was executed happily in my palace. Amen.
  Airius, chancellor, wrote and read it.

Sources:

Othon

Othon's name is also recorded as Otto and as Eudes

Father: Heribert III

Mother: Ermengarde

Married: Pavia
See Mémoires pour l’histoire du Vermandois vol 1 p623 (Louis-Paul Colliette, 1771) and p605 for her possible father

Children:
Occupation: Count of Vermandois and abbot of the monastery of Saint-Quentin.
Othon succeeded his brother, Adalbert II as count of Vermandois possibly as early as 1015 and definitely by 1021.

Notes:
Two of Othon's charters are printed in Augusta Viromanduorum pp111-112 (Claude Hémeré, 1643), and a further four of his charters, dated 1030, 1035, 1043 and 1045 are printed in the register Augusta Viromanduorum regestum veterum charta pp35-36 (Claude Hémeré, 1643). Othon is documented both as count of Vermandois and abbot of the monastery of Saint-Quentin.

In this charter, Othon's son, Heribert IV, names his father Otho and mother Pavia, documenting the marriage of Othon and Pavia.
Augusta Viromanduorum regestum veterum charta pp38-39 (Claude Hémeré, 1643)
IN nomine S. & indi Trini Ego Comes HERIBERTVS, materque mea Pauia fidelibus noſtris præſentibus abſentibſsque notum fieri volumus, quod Pater meus Oтнo, eius genitrix auia mea Ermengardis in villa quæ Brenoſt appellatur …
This roughly translates as:
IN the name of the Holy Trinity, I, Count HERIBERTVS, and my mother Pauia, wish to make known to our faithful present and absent, that my father Otho, his mother my grandmother Ermengarde, in the village called Brenost …

Louis-Paul Colliette tells us of Othon's family and his donations to the church.
Mémoires pour l’histoire du Vermandois vol 1 p605 (Louis-Paul Colliette, 1771)
  Certainement Albert II n’exiſtoit plus en l’an 1021; … Othon, ſon frere cadet, avoit recueilli toute ſa ſuccession, & il en étoit paiſible poſſeſſeur dès cette année, en laquelle il ſe trouvoit à la Cour du Roi Robert, & s’y ſouſcrivoit à ſes diplômes ſous la qualité de Comte de Vermandois. Il y ajoutoit encore celle d’Abbé de l’égliſe de ſaint Quentin, quand il parloit dans les chartes de ſa province. Il épouſa Papia ou Pavia, de laquelle il eut deux fils, Hébert qui le remplaça dans le gouvernement du Vermandois, & Othon qui, dans diverſes chartes, eſt ſous-ſigné Otho ou Eudo.
This roughly translates as:
  Albert II certainly no longer existed in the year 1021; … Otho, his younger brother, had inherited his entire estate, and he was in peaceful possession of it as early as that year, at which time he was present at the Court of King Robert, where he subscribed to the King’s charters under the title of Count of Vermandois. He further added the title of Abbot of the Church of Saint-Quentin whenever he appeared in charters pertaining to his own province. He married Papia (or Pavia), by whom he had two sons: Hébert, who succeeded him in the governance of Vermandois; and Otho, who, in various charters, appears as a signatory under the name Otho or Eudo.
p611
  La mémoire du Comte de Vermandois, Othon, n’eſt parvenue juſqu’à nous, que ſous les plus beaux titres de libéral & de magnifique envers l’égliſe & ſes ſacrés miniſtres, les moines & les pauvres. C’eſt ſous les heureux auſpices de la fondation de la collégiale de Neſle, que ſon gouvernement s’annonça. Il va faire ſentir, en cette année 1026, à Homblieres de nouveaux effets de ſa générosité. Richard ce célébre abbé de cette maiſon, duquel nous avons déjà parlé pluſieurs fois, obtint par l’autorité d’Othon, la reſtitution de la terre de Cugny. C’eſt le préſent dont ce Prince l’honora en un jour de la fête de ſaint Quentin.  
This roughly translates as:
  The memory of Count Otho of Vermandois has come down to us solely under the most noble titles: that of a man liberal and munificent toward the Church and its sacred ministers, the monks and the poor. It was under the auspicious sign of the founding of the Collegiate Church of Nesle that his rule first made itself felt. In this year of 1026, he was to bestow fresh proofs of his generosity upon Homblieres. Richard, that celebrated Abbot of the house, of whom we have already spoken on several occasions, secured, through Otho’s authority, the restitution of the lands of Cugny. This was the gift with which the Prince chose to honor him on the feast day of Saint Quentin.

The Encyclopaedia Britannica is dismissive of Otho's relevance.
The Encyclopaedia Britannica 11th edition vol 27 p1024 (ed. Hugh Chisholm, 1911)
  VERMANDOIS. … Albert I., Herbert III., Albert II., Otto and Herbert IV., were unimportant.

Death: 25 May 1045

Augusta Viromanduorum pp111-112 (Claude Hémeré, 1643)
Отно ſiue Odo. Viromanduor. Comes & Abbas Monaſterij S. Quintini. Succeſſor Alberti 2. fratris, quem iniugatum & improlem obiuiſſe colligimus ex hiſtoria ſupraſcripta. Othonis vxorem PAPIAM ſiue Pauiam, liberos Heribertum, & Odonem chartæ nominant, vno hoc præſertim poſteritati cogniti, quod pius in diuos, & in ſacras domos liberalis ac munificus extiterit, teſtatis eleemoſynis effusam eius beneficentiam, quas videbis in Regeſto. aliarumque meminimus nos in vetuſto Martyrolog. ad 8. cal. Iunij.
This roughly translates as:
Otho, or Odo, Count and Abbot of the Monastery of St. Quintin. Successor to Albert II, his brother, whom we gather from the above history died unmarried and childless. Otho's wife, PAPIA, or Pavia, and his children, Heribert and Odo, are named in the charters, one of which is especially known to posterity, that he was pious and liberal and generous in the divine and sacred houses, as evidence of his effusive beneficence, which you will see in the Register. We also remember him in the old Martyrology on the 8th day of the kalends of June [25 May].

Recueil des historiens de la France: Obituaires de la province de Sens vol 1 p318 (1902)
Abbaye de Saint-Denis … [25] VII kal. [junii.] Ob. … Otto comes (2)
(2) Peut-être le comte Othon de Vermandois, mort vers 1010.
This roughly translates as:
Abbey of Saint-Denis … 8th Kalends of June [25 May] Died … count Otto(2)
(2) Possibly Count Otho of Vermandois, who died around 1010.

Sources:

Pepin of Vermandois

Father: Bernard

Mother: Cunigunda

Children:
Occupation: Count of Péronne, extending his control to the whole county of Vermandois, of which he was the earliest of its hereditary counts

Notes:
In 834, Pepin is named among the supporters of the emperor, Louis the Pious in his dispute with his son, Lothair, but in 840, as Lothair's forces advanced towards Pepin's possessions near Paris, Pepin switched his allegiance to the invader.
Annales Bertiniani pp8-9 (1883)
834 … Hlotharius vero, cum de Parisio proficisceretur, in Provinciae urbem Viennam pervenit, ibique commorans, multa incommoda illarum partium hominibus intulit. Domnus autem imperator ut eum illic esse comperit, misit legatos, qui ei nunciarent, quod omnia quae contra patrem egerat illi concessisset, et ut cum pace aa eum reverteretur. Quod spernens, venire distulit, sed in eadem pertinacia perduravit. Factum est autem, cum sentirent qui fideles erant domno imperatori in Italia, Ratholdus videlicet episcopus, Bonifacius comes, Pippinus3, consanguineus imperatoris, aliique quam plures, quod coniugem eius quidam inimicorum morti tradere vellent, miserunt sub omni celeritate qui illam eriperent, ereptamque usque ad praesentiam domni imperatoris in Aquis incolomem perduxerunt.
 3) Filius Bernhardi regis Italiae; cf. Regin. a. 81
This roughly translates as:
834 … But Lothair, when he was leaving Paris, arrived at the provincial city of Vienna, and while he was there, he caused many inconveniences to the people of those parts. But the lord emperor, when he found out that he was there, sent ambassadors to tell him that he had forgiven him all that he had done against his father, and that he should return to him in peace. Scorning this, he delayed coming, but continued in the same obstinacy. But it happened that when those who were faithful to the lord emperor in Italy, namely Bishop Rathold, Count Boniface, Pepin3, the emperor’s kinsman, and many others, felt that some of his enemies wanted to hand over his wife to death, they sent with all speed to rescue her, and after she had been rescued they brought her safely to the presence of the lord emperor in Aquis.
  3) Son of Bernard, king of Italy; cf. Regin. a. 81

Nithard’s Histories Book II p143-4 (trans. Bernhard Walter Scholz, 1970)
Oct. 840  Meanwhile, Lothair was returning from the confrontation with Louis and being joined by every man on this side of the Charbonnière. He thought it best to cross the Meuse and advance as far as the Seine.7 On his way there Hilduin, abbot of St.-Denis, and Gerard, count of the city of Paris, came and met him. They had broken their fealty and defected from Charles. When Pepin, son of Bernard, king of the Lombards, and others saw this treachery, like slaves they also chose to break their word and disregard their oaths rather than give up their holdings for a little while.8 That is why these men broke faith, followed the example of those we mentioned already, and submitted to Lothair.
7. Charles was in Aquitaine after October 10, 840. In the meantime Lothair was punishing those who resisted him by confiscating their benefices; BML, p. 435. The Meuse was the border of Charles's land.
8. Pepin is the son of Charlemagne's grandson Bernard who had been blinded in 818. 

Regionis Chronicon in Monumenta Germaniæ Historica SS 1 p567 (ed. G. H. Pertz, 1826)
Bernhardus filius Pippini, rex Italiae, Aquis evocatus ad imperatorem dolo capitur, et primo oculis, post vita privatur. Habuit autem iste Bernhardus filium nomine Pippinum, qui tres liberos genuit, Bernhardum, Pippinum et Heribertum; qui Heribertus Rodulfum comitem, filium Balduini interfecit nostris temporibus, et non multum post occisus est a Balduino, satellite Balduini, fratris Rodulfi, qui Balduinus hucusque in Flandris ducatum tenet.
  1) Filii Pippini supra a. 834, p. 9. memorati, nepotes Bernhardi regis Italiae.
This roughly translates as:
Bernard, the son of Pepin, king of Italy, was summoned to the emperor at Aquis and was captured by trickery, and at first he was blinded, then deprived of his life. This Bernard had a son named Pepin, who fathered three children, Bernard, Pepin, and Heribert; Heribert killed count Rudolf, son of Baldwin in our times, and not long after was killed by Baldwin, a vassal of Baldwin, brother of Rudolf, which Baldwin still holds the duchy in Flanders.
  1) The sons of Pepin, mentioned above in a. 834, p. 9., were grandsons of Bernard, king of Italy.

Mémoires pour l’histoire du Vermandois vol 1 p366 (Louis-Paul Colliette, 1771)
  Parut enſuite Pépin, quatrieme du nom, fils de Bernard, vers l’an 886. Fondés ſur ce que quelques auteurs ont écrit que Pépin IV ne poſſéda le comté de Vermandois qu’en partie, & ſur ce que nous favons d’ailleurs que le Comte de Flandre, Baudoin Bras-de-fer, ne l’eut pas non plus en entier, nous penſons que Pépin IV jouiſſoit de tout ce que Baudoin n’avoit pas dans le Vermandois, & que Baudoin n’occupa dans cette même province que ce qui n’avoit pas été donné à Pépin. Le principal domaine de ce dernier Seigneur étoit à Péronne & dans les environs de cette ville. C’eſt pourquoi ſes deſcendans ont été appellés quelquefois Comtes de Péronne, long-temps après qu’ils furent établis à Saint-Quentin, & qu’ils eurent commencé de poſſéder le comté entier de Vermandois. Ce que Pépin IV poſſédoit dans ce pays lui avoit été donné par Louis le Débonnaire, après la mort de Bernard, pour dédommager, quoique bien foiblement, ce fils infortuné, du royaume d’Italie dont il avoit privé ſon pere. Il paroît que le Comte Teutricus, ſucceſſeur de Baudoin Bras-de-fer dans le Vermandois, n’y eut pas une puiſſance plus étendue que celle qu’avoit eue le Comte de Flandre, & que c’eſt lors de la mort de Teutricus, que Pépin IV, jaloux de jouir du reſte d’un domaine partagé, pouſſé peut-être encore par ſes enfans avides d’un plus ample & plus riche établiſſement, ſecondé d’ailleurs dans ſes vœux par les troubles dont le royaume étoit agité, ſe rendit le maître de tout le comté de Vermandois, dont il avoit déjà une partie.
This roughly translates as:
  Next appeared Pepin, the fourth of that name and son of Bernard, around the year 886. Based on the fact that some authors have written that Pepin IV possessed the county of Vermandois only in part, and on the fact, known to us from other sources, that the Count of Flanders, Baldwin Bras-de-fer, did not hold it in its entirety either, we surmise that Pepin IV held sway over all that Baldwin did not possess within Vermandois, and that Baldwin occupied within that same province only those territories that had not been granted to Pepin. The principal domain of this latter lord lay in Péronne and the surrounding environs. For this reason, his descendants were sometimes styled Counts of Péronne long after they had established themselves in Saint-Quentin and had begun to hold the entire county of Vermandois. The territories Pepin IV held in this region had been granted to him by Louis the Pious following the death of Bernard; this grant served, albeit as a meager compensation, to indemnify this unfortunate son for the Kingdom of Italy, of which his father had been deprived. It appears that Count Teutricus, Baldwin Bras-de-fer’s successor in Vermandois, exercised no greater authority there than that previously held by the Count of Flanders. It was, in fact, upon the death of Teutricus that Pepin IV, eager to secure the remainder of this divided domain, perhaps further urged on by his children, who were covetous of a more extensive and opulent patrimony, and aided in his ambitions by the civil unrest then convulsing the kingdom, succeeded in making himself master of the entire county of Vermandois, of which he already held a portion.
p370
Telle étoit la face des affaires en France, à la fin du neuvieme ſiécle, & au temps, à peu près, où mourut Pépin, comte de Vermandois. On ne fait le jour, l’année, ni le lieu de ſa ſépulture. Il laiſſa quatre enfans; une fille qui fut mariée à Robert II, comte de Paris; & trois garçons, Bernard, Pépin V, & Hébert Ier du nom. Celui-ci, l’aîné de tous, eut le Vermandois. On ne connoît pas la poſtérité de Bernard, s’il en eut une. Pépin V, devenu Comte de Valois ou de Senlis, ſe perpétua dans un fils nommé Bernard
This roughly translates as:
Such was the state of affairs in France at the end of the ninth century, at approximately the time when Pepin, Count of Vermandois, died. Neither the day, the year, nor the place of his burial is known. He left behind four children: a daughter, who married Robert II, Count of Paris; and three sons; Bernard, Pepin V, and Herbert I. The latter, the eldest of them all, inherited Vermandois. Bernard’s posterity, if indeed he had any, remains unknown. Pepin V, having become Count of Valois or Senlis, perpetuated his line through a son named Bernard.

Death: about 892

Mémoires pour l’histoire du Vermandois vol 1 p368 (Louis-Paul Colliette, 1771)
  Pépin, Comte de Vermandois, ne mourut qu’après l’an 892. Accablé d’années & peut-être d’infirmités, il céda ſon comté à Hébert ſon fils, qui le gouvernoit dès l’an 891, ſous le titre de Comte-Abbé de S. Quentin; ou du moins, l’avoit-il aſſocié à ſon autorité.
This roughly translates as:
  Pepin, Count of Vermandois, did not die until after the year 892. Weighed down by years, and perhaps by infirmities, he ceded his county to his son Herbert, who had been governing it since 891 under the title of Count-Abbot of Saint-Quentin; or at the very least, he had associated him with his authority..

Sources:

Robert of Meaux

Father: Heribert II

Mother: a daughter of Robert I, king of France

Married: Adelaide

Ex Chronico Odorannus in Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France vol 8 p237 (1871)
Anno DCCCCLVI. … Gislebertus Comes Burgundionum obiit: et honorem ejus cum filia, nomine Leudegarde, ex qua posteà à Radulpho Divionensi Pipicus factus, Otho frater Hugonis Ducis recepit: aliam verô filiam, nomine Werram, duxit in matrimonium Robertus Comes Trecassinorum.
This roughly translates as:
In the year 956. … Gislebert Count of Burgundy died: and his honor was received by Duke Hugh's brother Otho, with a daughter named Leudegarde, from whom he was afterwards made Pipicus by Ralph of Divion: but another daughter, named Werram, was married to Robert Count of Troyes.

Children:
Occupation: Count of Meaux from 946 and count of Troyes from 956
When his father's lands were partitioned in 946, Robert received Meaux as his share. He became count of Troyes, by right of his wife, on the death of his father-in-law Giselbert in 956.

Notes:
Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Montiéramey in Collection des principaux cartulaires du diocèse de Troyes vol 7 p19 (Charles Lalore, 1890)
        14. — 6 août 959.
  Placuit atque convenit inter gloriosum Trecassine urbis comitem Rotbertum et Gratianum, abbatem monasterii Sancti Petri Dervensis … Dedit itaque predictus comes partibus abbatis pratum unum. Pertinet autum pratum illud de camera comitis de potestate Podenniaco. Ego Rotbertus, comes, firmavi et fidelibus meis firmare precepi. Actum Trecas civitate publice sub die VIII idus augusti, anno V, regnante Lothario, rege Francorum. Signum Rotberti, gloriosissimi comitis. S. Adelais, comitisse. S. Erberti, filii eorum. S. Walterii, vicecomitis. Ego Goduinus levita, scripsi et subscripsi. — Vieux Cart. de Montiéramey, ap. A. Duchesne, Histoire de la maison de Vergy, Preuves p. 36.
This roughly translates as:
        14. — 6 August 959.
  It was agreed between Robert, the glorious count of Troyes, and Gratian, abbot of the monastery of Saint Peter of Dervensis … The aforementioned count therefore gave one meadow to the abbot’s share. That meadow now belongs to the count’s chamber of Podenniac under the power of Podenniac. I, Robert, count, have confirmed it and have ordered my faithful to confirm it. Act publicly executed in the city of Troyes on the 8th day of the Ides of August [6 August], in the 5th year of the reign of Lothair, king of the Franks [959]. Signed by Robert, the most glorious count. Signed Adelaide, countess. Signed Herbert, their son. Signed Walter, viscount. I, Godwin, the levite, wrote and subscribed. — Vieux Cart. de Montiéramey, by A. Duchesne, Histoire de la maison de Vergy, Preuves p. 36.

Chronicon Frodoardi in Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France vol 8 p208 (1871)
Anno DCCCCLII. … Nepotes Hugonis Heribertus et Robertus interim in loco, qui dicitur Mons-Felicis, sibi munitionem instruunt.
This roughly translates as:
In the year 952. … Meanwhile Hugh's nephews, Herbert and Robert, built themselves a fortification in a place called Mont-Felicis.
pp211-3
Anno DCCCCLIX. … Castrum Divionem Rotbertus Comes invadit, Regis expulsis fidelibus. Quapropter accitus Bruno Regis ac Reginæ petitione, in Burgundiam venit cum Lothariensibus, aliisque sibi subditis populis: idemque castrum, sed et Trecas civitatem, quam præfatus potiebatur Rotbertus, obsidione vallat.
… Anno DCCCCLX. … Divionem quamdam munitionem, quam Regis Lotharii fideles tenebant, Rotbertus frater Heriberti fidelem Regis se fallens, dolo ingressus invadit, regiis expulsis custodibus: ad quam recipiendam Rex cum matre Regina profectus, ipsum obsidet castrum. Bruno Præsul cum Lothariensibus et aliis sibi subditis illuc adveniens, obsides à Rotberto accepit, quos Regi tradidit: quorum unus, Odalrici Comitis filius, proditor comprobatus et judicatus, atque decollatus est; alter vivus retentus.
… Anno DCCCCLXIII. … Catalaunensem urbem, Præsule Gibuino egresso, Heribertus et Rotbertus fratres obsident: explicitisque tandem nundinis, igne succendunt: milites, turre loci quadam conscensa, liberantur.
This roughly translates as:
In the year 959. … Count Robert attacked Castle Divion, expelling the King's loyalists. Therefore, summoned by the request of the King and Queen, Bruno came to Burgundy with the Lotharians and other peoples subject to him: and he besieged the same castle, and also the city of Troyes, which the aforementioned Robert held.
… In the year 960. … A certain fortress of Divion, which was held by the loyalists of King Lothar, Robert, the brother of Herbert, deceiving himself to be loyal to the King, entered with deceit and attacked, expelling the royal guards: to recover which the King set out with his mother the Queen, and besieged the castle itself. Bruno the Presbyter, arriving there with the Lotharians and other subjects of his, received hostages from Robert, whom he delivered to the King: one of whom, the son of Count Odalric, was proved a traitor and tried, and was beheaded; the other was kept alive.
… In the year 963. … The brothers Heribert and Robert besieged the city of Catalaun, after the departure of Bishop Gibuin: and at length they set it on fire, and the soldiers, having climbed a certain tower of the place, were freed.

Death: after 19 June 966, when he witnessed a charter of his son-in-law, count Geoffroy Grisegonelle.

Sources:
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